Showing posts with label 2012 Politics. Show all posts
Kenyans must embrace progressive leadership - George N Kimani
Nation Media Group Guidelines for Political Advertising
The Raila Odinga for President Secretariat Statement on GEMA and KAMATUSA Tribal Politics
The GEMA Cultural Association (GCA) Limuru II Declaration
Peter Kuguru - Why the Kikuyu Elite Back Raila
And when it did, in October 2007, it was manifestly clear that there was no love lost at that time between presidential aspirant Raila Odinga and the business honchos who run East Africa's biggest economy.
Odinga faced the choreographed grilling at the Nairobi Stock Exchange where the dominant cabal was drawn mainly from the numerically strong Kikuyu community. On this day the NSE deputy chairman and business magnate was holding fort.
"What type of President will he be? Is he a socialist, a communist, a democrat, a social democrat? Is he going to be a man of revenge or peace or reconciliation? Is he likely to take over assets which we have succeeded in building? Is he likely to nationalise privatised buildings? Is he likely to take wealth from others? How certain are we with a Raila leadership?," asked James Wangunyu.
Days before, Finance minister Amos Kimunya had intimated that members of the Luo community were untutored in matters concerning money markets.
"Many of the opposition politicians do not understand how the Nairobi Stock Exchange operates. It is not a fish market... its much more complicated," said Kimunya.
The " fish market" description was subtly targeting the Luo who are historically associated with
fishing as a commercial enterprise. But Odinga, a seasoned and hardened politician, remained unfazed and cordially went ahead to answer the uncharacteristic queries.
"I have come here as a friend of the Nairobi Stock Exchange and as an investor, who owns shares at the stock market and I am a businessman and owner of a successful company which manufacturers gas cylinders for the East African market.
"I have an advantage that I lived in both communist and capitalist countries so I understand the issues better," he said.
He told the businessmen that he was a Social Democrat, like former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and former German Chancellor Gerhard Schroder.
"Social democrats believe in Capitalism with a human face," he explained.
Invariably as the country gears up for the next election scheduled for March 2013, a seismic change of hearts and minds has engulfed the House of Mumbi aka the Kikuyu. This has not escaped the notice of the political and business elite of this entrepreneurial community.
As Kenyans are deeply aware, leading lights from the community have opted to do what was previously unthinkable and are supporting Odinga rather than Uhuru Kenyatta, a popular Kikuyu candidate but currently facing the Herculean task of defeating charges of crimes against humanity at the ICC.
Why this switch?
The group of which I am a member believes that we hold our country in trust, not as an entitlement. We believe in progressive politics that deal with real issues that affect our people irrespective of ethnic origin.
Since Kenya achieved its independence in 1963, members of the Kikuyu community have disproportionately been targeted for all sorts of evils. As a consequence, whenever ethnic clashes occur, the Kikuyu again suffer the most pain.
The Kikuyu unwittingly are their own worst foes. The Kikuyu elite mistakenly preach the divisive politics of ethnic superiority with of course the Kikuyu community placed on top of the pedestal.
Were the venerable patriarch Jomo Kenyatta alive today, he would certainly be cross with his community.
"The spirit of independence, love of freedom in thought and action and hatred of autocratic rule, are ingrained in the minds of the Kikuyu people...In their highlands and mountain homes, the people cherished the system of democratic government, the principles of which have been passed down from generation to generation," he wrote in his popular book My People of Kikuyu in 1942.
Were Kenyatta alive today, he would support those members of the Kikuyu elite currently batting for Odinga, for practicing in word and deed the cultural beliefs of the community.
The so-called Limuru 2 talks held last Friday ostensibly endorsed Uhuru as the preferred political leader of the Kikuyu community. The gathering was archaic, anachronistic and divisive.
It only accentuated the belief that the Kikuyu community was disinterested in engaging the rest of the 42 communities who form the tapestry of the Kenyan nation
The thinking of these Kikuyu leaders mostly affects ordinary members of the community who suffer the brunt of impunity triggered by other communities who understandably feel slighted.
We, the Kikuyu elite who have opted to go to bed with Odinga, are not enemies of Uhuru as a person but only that this time round we strongly have believe hat Odinga offers the best possible option as a leader.
As economically well endowed, hardworking Kikuyus, can we possibly vote in a candidate who will go ahead to wreck, confiscate or nationalize assets we have so strenuously taken time to build?
As a sincere Social Democrat, Odinga puts the interests of the country first and not the self aggrandisement of ethnic chieftains.
I thank God that the intelligentsia from the community has eventually seen the light, and like Jeremiah of old are counselling on the way forward.
Peter Kuguru is NWSC chairman and author of Trailblazer.
Courtesy of The Star
Cabinet Reshuffle Reveals Kibaki's Succession Preference
CIC Advisory to the Public on the Setting of the Election Date by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC)
In giving this advisory, CIC is concerned, not with the political interests and preferences surrounding the election date debate, but with the constitutional and legal issues that underlie the setting of that date.
IEBC is established under Article 88 of The Constitution of Kenya, 2010, and is an independent
Constitutional Commission within the meaning of Chapter 15 of the Constitution.
In terms both of Article 88(4) of The Constitution and Section 4 of The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Act, 2011, IEBC is inter alia “responsible for conducting or supervising referenda and elections to any elective body or office established by the Constitution”.
In terms of Sections 14, 16, 17, and 19 of The Elections Act, IEBC shall publish a notice of the holding of the election, in the Gazette and in the electronic and print media of national circulation, in the case of a General Election, at least sixty days before the holding of the elections.
As regards the first General Election under the Constitution of Kenya, 2010, IEBC on Saturday 17th March 2012, made public its decision to hold the said Election on 4th March 2013.
In the considered view of CIC, and in the context of the public debate generated by IEBC’s announcement, two questions fail to be determined:-
(a) Is IEBC the constitutional organ mandated to set the date of the General Election; and
(b) If so, has IEBC set the date within the parameters of the Constitution and the Law.
Both these questions were canvassed and interrogated comprehensively in the judgment handed down by the Constitutional Division of The High Court (Lenaola, Ngugi and Majanja JJ) in Constitutional petition no.65 of 2011 consolidated with petitions nos. 123 of 2011 and 1855 of 2011.
In its judgment on the question, “when shall the first General Elections be lawfully held?”, the constitutional Court ruled:
“the first General Elections under the Constitution can only be lawfully held as follows:-
(a) In the year 2012, within sixty days from the date on which the National Coalition is dissolved by written agreement between the President and the Prime Minister in accordance with Section 6(b) of The National Accord and Reconciliation Act, 2008
(b) Within sixty days from the expiry of the terms of the National Assembly, on 15th January, 2013”
On the question, “which body under the Constitution is entitled to fix the election date, the Court
concluded:
“(i) In light of the authority and powers conferred by Article 88 to the IEBC to conduct and supervise elections, it is the IEBC that will fix the election date for the first elections under the Constitution.
The IEBC is an independent body and in line with its mandate, it shall fix a date once it is satisfied the conditions and arrangements that ensure a free and fair election have been met but within sixty days of either of the two events referred to.
(ii) Having found that the first elections under the Constitution shall be held within sixty days from the end of the expiry of the National Assembly as provided or upon dissolution of the National Coalition, we hold that it is the responsibility of IEBC, to fix any date within the sixty days thereafter.”
The Constitution of Kenya, and specifically Article 165, gives the High Court jurisdiction to hear and determine any questions with respect to the interpretation of the Constitution, unless therefore, a decision of The High Court is reversed or varied either by the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court, such decisions remain the authoritative and binding constitutional and legal position.
In the instant case, it is the unequivocal view of CIC that IEBC, in Terms of the judgment of the Constitutional Court, is the organ constitutionally mandated to set the election date.
CIC is fully persuaded that, in the discharge of the mandate, IEBC acted entirely within the parameters of the Constitution, as stated by the Constitutional Court.
The date set by IEBC is therefore the constitutionally valid date for the first General Elections under the Constitution.
It is to be recognized that this date may change if:-
(i) The Court of Appeal or The Supreme Court reverses or varies the judgment of The High Court; or
(ii) In accordance with the Court’s ruling, the President and the Prime Minister, by a written
agreement, dissolve the Grand National Coalition; or
(iii) The Constitution is amended to expressly set a different election date.
In the absence of any of the above events taking place, it behoves all Kenyans, including all other
constitutional organs and offices, to respect IEBC and its mandate.
Article 2 of The Constitution of Kenya, 2010, states that, “This Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic and binds all persons and all state organs at both levels of Government”. Further, by virtue of Article 3 of The Constitution, “Every person has an obligation to respect, uphold and defend the Constitution”.
CIC therefore calls upon all Kenyans to uphold the Constitution of Kenya, 2010, in particular by according respect to both the Judiciary in its constitutional role of interpreting the Constitution, and to IEBC, in the discharge of its mandate, as the Election Management Body, including, the mandate to set the date for the first General Election under the Constitution of Kenya, 2010.
CIC takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment in ensuring that the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 is implemented fully and faithfully, in letter and spirit.
CHARLES AYAKO NYACHAE
CHAIRPERSON
COMMISSION FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONSTITUTION
Kenya next General Election to be held on March 4 2013
With the announcement, we are not out of the woods yet. Simply because Kenyans wanted an early election, August 2012 as presumably set in the constitution or latest December 2012 as has been the trend.
It makes matters worse that Prime Minister Raila Odinga and ODM preferred a December election. Whenever there has been no consensus between Raila and Kibaki, it is the ordinary Kenyans that suffer. Kibaki has favoured a March 2013 election and it looks like that opinion carried the day.
The reformed judiciary did not make matters easier by giving a time range when elections should be held instead of a specific date. It is the same mistake that constitution drafters made by having contradicting provisions as to when the date of next elections will be.
One wonders why Kibaki has to antagonize popular public opinion to the last day of his presidency. Many Kenyans cannot wait for the end of this coalition dispensation which has been riddled with political strife, post election violence, governance controversies and escalating costs of living.
The Murang’a Declaration on Development and Political Future
PREAMBLE:-
We, the people and leaders of Murang’a County convened the Comprehensive Dialogue on 18 February 2012 at Ihuura Stadium, Murang’a Town on the development and political future of the County.
The meeting was called to discuss and adopt a clear roadmap to the rebirth of Murang’a as a “model county.”
The people and leaders in the Comprehensive Dialogue came from diverse sectors, including professionals, business, farmers, teachers, traders, clergy, community leaders, civic leaders, civil society, senior civil servants from the County and Members of Parliament.
The conference deliberated and agreed on a concrete action plan on the five developmental sectors of education; agriculture; health, water and sanitation; investment and industrialization; and leadership and governance.
The said people and leaders also agreed on the political future of Murang’a County, particularly the need to take a common and united approach to the crucial up-coming general elections in order to enhance peace, unity and stability at the county and national levels.
We, therefore, issue the “Murang’a Declaration on Development and Political Future” to guide our development programmes and political action in 2012 and beyond.
THE MURANG’A COUNTY COMPREHENSIVE DIALOGUE:
1. ACKNOWLEDGING the historic sacrifice by the past generations of the people and leaders of Murang’a County in the struggle for freedom against British colonialism; the “Second Liberation” for democracy against one-party dictatorship; and for the new Constitution and enduring democratic order in Kenya, particularly the role played by:-
a) Nationalist patriarchs/matriarchs such as Nyanjiru (of Weithaga) who organized the 1922 resistance together with Harry Thuku; Job Muchuchu, Jesse Kariuki (nicknamed ‘the Eye of the Nation’), Joseph Kang’ethe, James Beauttah (ceded his position to Jomo Kenyatta to travel to London to petition the Colonial Office on land in 1928) and Bildad Kaggia of the “Kapenguria Six”;
b) Mau Mau fighters such as Field Marshal Mbaria wa Kaniu, General Ihura wa Kareri, General Kago wa Mboko, General Kahara wa Hungi, General Muiruri wa Njuguna, Brigadier Hannah Njoki Gaichĩng’a and Njeri Kamau wa Gĩthirĩ;
c) Veterans of the “Second Liberation”, including Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, Prof. Maina wa Kinyatti, David Mukaru Ng’ang’a and Maina Wanjigi of Muoroto issue;
d) Many heroes of the struggle for the new constitution.
2. RECOGNIZING the provisions of the New Constitution of Kenya adopted on 27 August 2010, particularly in regard to Leadership and Integrity, the Bill of Rights relating to Human Dignity, Environment and Economic Rights, and the relevant sections on the Executive, the Legislature and Devolved Government.
3. RECALLING the various consultative forums convened by the leaders of Murang’a on diverse aspects of development and public governance, including:-
a) The October 2011 round-table on Leadership and Governance relating to the Criteria for Electing Leaders to the various offices defined by the constitution;
b) The June 2011 meeting on the vision of Murang’a University, leading to the gazettement of the Murang’a College of Technology as a full fledged University;
c) The 27 January 2012 meeting of Stakeholders in the education sector convened by the MCI Education Committee relating to the action plan to improve the standards of education in the country;
d) The 12 December 2011 meeting of Murang’a leaders relating to the debt owed by Murang’a Coffee farmers, culminating in the waiver of Ksh1.2 billion by the government of Kenya;
e) The 18 February 2012 award of 32 scholarships to deserving bright students, including 16 girls and 16 boys, for four years presented during the February conference.
4. RECOGNIZING the need to respect the cultural and ethnic diversity of Kenya as the foundation of a stable and peaceful society;
5. REITERATING our commitment to the vision of a county where peace, justice and equality form the cornerstone of a prosperous society;
6. EXPRESSING SOLIDARITY with thousands of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) still in temporary shelters, and urging the Government of Kenya, particularly the Ministries of Finance, Lands, Special Programmes, and other relevant state departments, to speed up the settlement of all displaced persons and to expediently and exhaustively deal with the problem of IDPs.
THEREFORE, WE, THE PEOPLE OF MURANG’A COUNTY:
7. RESOLVE to adopt the “Murang’a Declaration” to foster unity and guide our development and politics to ensure the rebirth of the county and its transformation into a “model county”.
To this end, the Consultative Meeting further decides to:
a) DECLARE that the people of Murang’a County will support the “PNU Alliance” as the vehicle through which we will pursue and achieve the development aspirations and political future of the county and to support all efforts to:
i. Ensure the continuity of the Grand Coalition of President Mwai Kibaki, to which the county leadership belongs, in order to secure the legacy of socio-economic transformation;
ii. Work with likeminded leaders and political parties to promote and strengthen the PNU Alliance to ensure democratic elections and formation of the next government;
b) PROMOTE a leadership with integrity committed to unity, national integration and reconciliation and opposed to the politics of ethnic divisions and hatred as the surest way of sustaining and perpetuating the legacy of economic development, peace, freedom and shared prosperity experienced in the last one decade.
c) COMMEND the unity of county leaders and urge for continued spirit of cooperation in the interest of the development of the county.
d) SUPPORT the on-going efforts to combat impunity especially relating to the post-election violence and to work to reclaim the dignity and sovereignty of the nation.
8. ADOPT specific measures to promote key strategic development sectors, including:
i. Improving the standards of education, ensuring access to all through bursaries; establish a Leadership Academy; and promote the Murang’a University into a centre of excellence.
ii. Promoting the productivity of the agricultural sector, including the coffee, tea, horticultural and dairy industries as the basis of wealth creation and employment;
iii. Attract investment and industry into the county;
iv. Support the improvement of health, water and sanitation;
v. Adopt urgent measures to ameliorate youth poverty, unemployment and disillusionment;
vi. Ensure the sound leadership and governance of the county, including the unity of leaders from all sectors of the county.
9. DECIDE to remain fully seized on the matter.
Dr. Moses Mwangi
Chairman
Murang’a County Initiative
Centre for Multiparty Democracy Kenya State of the Nation Statement at the Beginning of 2012
Kenya Politics in 2012
Welcome to 2012 in Kenya. This will be one of the most interesting and engaging years in Kenyan politics.
Once the ICC at the Hague puts Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto on trial (or dismisses their case) the political gear will be engaged and political temperatures will rise. Whichever way these cases go will determine who will be the next president of Kenya. It is Raila Odinga's last chance to be Mr. President and with him enjoying the benefits of incumbency, it is his presidency to lose. There are high chances that if Raila were to lose the elections, he will be beaten by Uhuru Kenyatta. A Raila versus Uhuru presidential campaign will most likely take us back to 2007.
The next big thing in 2012 is who will be the governors of the 47 counties. Other than the vast financial resources to be controlled by the governors, there is the "mini-president" and the "president-in-waiting" prestige associated with this newly created post. The main "war-zones" for the governorship will be rich and volatile counties like Nairobi, Nakuru, Mombasa, Meru, Nyeri, Kiambu, Kajiado and Kisumu. The governor position will also be fun to watch as level-headed corporate heads and green horns battle it out with the no-nsense and no-holds-barred characters like Sonko with bottomless easily-acquired campaign pockets.
The senator position may not elicit much emotions as many people have resigned to the fact that for its first term the senate will be an enclave of the rich octogenarians who need a little snooze from active politics.
Whichever the case may be, 2012 is bound to be another election year in Kenya when tribalism, corruption, misuse of government resources, voter bribery and violence reign.
Miguna Miguna on K24 Capital Talk - Raila is a political conman
Miguna Miguna is a former political advisor to prime minister Raila Odinga who was recently unceremoniously suspended from his duties by the office of the prime minister without pay. This may be informing his recent outbursts against the presidential candidature of Raila Odinga. However as a former insider of Raila political machinery, his interviews and articles exposes the weaker side of Raila Odinga. Will Kenyans listen?
Sample this:
"What I regret is the fact that to be honest Raila is a conman, a political conman. Yes, the facade that he puts forward, the quips, the soundbites, this theatrical performance on the stage is all but a facade. There are contradictions that are so fundamental, that unless Raila resolves and untangles them, it would be dangerous if such a person actually ascends to the presidency of this country....and I am not the only one talking about them (contradictions). His own strategists are talking about it, behind closed doors....and I have said in my article, resolve the contradictions, otherwise you either end up nowhere or if you do, you will be a dangerous person to be there."
Part 1
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Commissioners
Isaack Hassan - Chairman
Commissioners
1. Yusuf Nzibo
2. Mohamed Alawi Hussun
3. Abdullahi Sharawe
4. Lilian Mahiri-Zaja
5. Thomas Letangule
6. Muthoni Wangai
7. Albert Bwire and
8. Kule Galma Godana
Shortlisted Applicants for the Position of Chairperson of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC)
The IEBC Selection Panel has shortlisted the following (8) candidates for the position of Chairperson of the IEBC who are invited for interviews on the 11th and 12th October 2011
1. Consolata Wanjiku Ngondi
2. Onsando Osiemo
3. Koki Mercy Muli
4. Murshid Abdalla Mohamed
5. Ahmed Isaack Hassan
6. Wakahiu George Njenga
7. Kinuthia Mwangi Wamwangi
8. Wanja Ann Kariuki
The IEBC Selection Panel which is mandated to nominate persons qualified to be appointed as Chairperson of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) received a total of 15 applicants as follows:
1. Ahmed Isaack Hassan - LLB; Dip (Law); CPS (K)
2. Consolata Wanjiku Ngondi - LLM; LLB; Dip (Law)
3. Koki Mercy Muli - MA (Understanding & Securing Human Rights); LLB; Dip (Law)
4. Kelong Titus Kipkoech - BSc (Applied Statistics)
5. Murshid Abdalla Mohamed - LLM; LLB; BA(Arts); Dip (Law)
6. Wakahiu George Njenga - LLM; LLB; Dip (Law)
7. Nalwelisie Chrisantus - MSC (Procurement); MBA (Finance); BA (Business)
8. Calistus Wanjala - MA (Business Administration);BA (Marketing)
9. Ingwero Japheth Mwange - MBA (Strategic Management);Bed (Arts)
10. Agola Auma Osolo - No degree certificates attached.
11. Chelong Alex Kipkosgei - No IEBC form; No degree certificates; No Law degree
12. Onsando Osiemo - LLM; LLB; Bachelor of Social Legal Sciences; Dip (Law)
13. Kinuthia Mwangi Wamwangi - LLM; MSC (Human Resource Management); LLB
14. Wanja Ann Kariuki - LLM; LLB
15. Kimotho Stephen Kariungi - Master of Science; Bsc.
Kenya's New Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Proposed Selection Panel
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Act, 2011
In the Matter of the Approval, by the National Assembly, of the Persons Nominated to
Serve as Members of the Selection Panel Section 1(1), (2), (3), (4), (5) and (6) of the First Schedule to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Act, 2011
SUBMISSION OF MEMORANDA
The following persons have been nominated to serve on the Selection Panel in terms of section 1(1) and (2) of the First Schedule to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Act, 2011-
1. Nominations made by His Excellency, the President
- Prof. Marion Wanjiku Mutugi
- Ambassador Mwanyengela Ngali.
- Dr. Ekout Ekuru
- Ms. Rosa Akinyi Buyu.
- Hon. Mr. Justice Isaac Lenaola
- Hon. Ms. Emily Ominde.
- Ms. Irene Cheptoo Keino
- Mr. Charles Kariuki Wambugu.
- Dr. William Okello Ogara
- Ms. Sophie Njeri Moturi.
The Constitutional Implementation Oversight Committee now invites interested members of the public to submit any representations that they may have on the suitability or otherwise of the nominees for appointment to the Selection Panel.
The representations may be forwarded to the
Clerk of the National Assembly,
P.O. Box 41842-00100,
Nairobi;
hand-delivered to the Office of the Clerk, Main Parliament Buildings, Nairobi;
or emailed to clerk@parliament.go.ke; to be received on or before Monday 25th July 2011.
PATRICK G. GICHOHI, C.B.S.,
CLERK OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Young people are organising for change, says George Nyongesa - The Star
Coalition principals grossly misguided about Kenyan youth
We are infuriated by the fact that President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga used Jamhuri Day celebrations to level allegations of treason against the youth of Kenya.
The principals' outburst, coming hot on the heels of Government spokesman Dr Alfred Mutua's similar outlandish claim that the youth are receiving foreign funding to destabilise the coalition government, cannot be ignored, especially by the leadership of youth. In this regard, we wish to address the President and Prime Minister as follows:
First, we would like to point out that the poignant claims eloquently expose the fears and uneasiness that the political establishment has over the emerging political consciousness among the youth. The language of the castigations reeks of the status quo's misguided view of youth as being disorganised, confused and easily manipulated.
We refuse this ill-advised definition of the youth and warn that we are indeed actively organising to empower ourselves in order to keep track of reforms especially as espoused in Agenda 4 of the same National Accord that brought President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga together in a coalition government.
Second, we are not fazed by allegations of receiving support from wherever in order to realise our agenda. This is not news, as the coalition leaders never ending foreign begging trips are common knowledge.
In any event, the youth are part of the wider civil society that likewise survives primarily on international funding for their activities. Also, since the coalition government will not put together empowerment programmes that are not designed to control us, manage us or take us hostage, a reality check demands that we work with anyone who understands our problem and genuinely wants to help.
Third, we frown upon Kibaki and Raila's attempt to plant seeds of strife and discord among youth by branding their leadership as foreign-aided coup plotters. Whilst the tag is meant to cow the emerging youth leadership, we want to boldly warn them that Agenda 4 issues, among these, youth unemployment, remain key reform and progress scorecard items for the youth; that if not comprehensively and urgently addressed by the two principals will precipitate the threatening revolution of the dissatisfied masses of youth against the cartel of political elite.
Fourth, unless Agenda 4 items are addressed, the youth and future generations will remain victims of bad governance that is characterised by corruption, impunity, poverty and tribalism. We are no longer at ease with the way things are and will not hesitate to latch onto constitutional rights to organise to overthrow the political establishment that preys on us. We want a better Kenya that is fit for all of us to realise our God given potential.
Fifth, it is true we are organising to breed a new leadership that is up to the task of bridging the differences in our society and inspire our social diversities to work together to realise prosperity and peace for all. These are the ideals the youth of our generation dream of and in the backdrop of new constitution find it civic obligation and duty.
We are organising because we are dissatisfied with the periodic tokenism such as Kazi kwa Vijana, Youth Enterprise Fund and worse still a youth ministry that has turned out to be a political circus. We are organising because we have come to the realisation that anything this political leadership never addresses the urgent grave situation of unemployment among youth.
We do not want to be used and abused as political levers by political cartels. We are fully aware of the problems the youth face and the solutions to those problems and we are sure that we are the leadership we need to get us out of this deep hole.
Sixth, the youth are actively involved in post-referendum civic education on the new constitution especially on the contents of Chapter 6. This is because in gearing up for 2012, before the campaign propaganda and empty promises peddled by power hungry politicians clouds their judgment, it is important to empower Kenyans to realise that most of the current crop of leaders cannot stand the leadership and integrity test set by this section of the constitution. Mr President and Mr Prime Minister, you must accept that Kenyan youth organising to shake off the yoke of oppression and exploitation through ballot democracy is not a crime.
Seventh, we find it well within our political rights and liberties to want to and accordingly to organise to legally depose an establishment rife with corruption, impunity and tribalism, and replace it with one for whom the people's agenda is central.
In doing so, the youth do not act only for ourselves, but millions of Kenyans who are victims of the current bad leadership such as the thousands of internally displaced persons sleeping cold and hungry in filthy camps, thousands of youths seeking solace from joblessness in crime, alcohol, drugs and prostitution, and the millions of Kenyans on self imposed curfews as a result high insecurity in our country.
Eighth, we sympathise with the coalition principals' embarrassment suffered after the honest and unflattering contents of Wikileaks, but wish to categorically protest against the Machiavellian use of youth as a political distraction shield of sorts. Casting aspersions against the youth leadership as ploy to steal the public attention from revelations of Wikileaks is in bad taste, reactionary and totally misguided and betrays how quick the principals are to sacrifice others for their own interests. Accordingly, we dismiss with contempt and term it as a gross insult, the unsolicited paternalistic advisory that had the Premier label Kenyan youth as puppets and we demand a public apology.
In conclusion, we demand that Kibaki and Raila either come up with practical programmes to get the youth out of the extreme poverty. We reiterate that we are peaceful and patriotic Kenyans engaging in constitution guaranteed civic actions to bring about another Kenya that is fit for all of us.
The writer is the Co-convenor, National Youth Forum
Five obstacles Raila should overcome before 2012 - Bob Mukhwana - The Star
Successive opinion polls have consistently showed that Prime Minister Raila Odinga is enjoying a commanding and comfortable lead in the run up to the 2012 presidential elections. Raila's lead is not accidental. His struggle for the democratisation of this country is exceptional and his firm and principled stance on important national issues has resonated well with the Kenyan public, endearing him to a majority of the masses.
In addition, Raila is a charismatic leader, a pragmatic political strategist and an exceptional campaigner. With all these credentials and public support, one would expect that Raila's journey to statehouse to be easy and smooth.
Unfortunately, this is Kenya, where political competitors are not judged by the content of their character, but by their ethnic orientation and 'corrupt credentials'. Raila should therefore carefully and wisely overcome five obstacles before 2012.
Re-branding ODM: The popularity of ODM is pegged on the fact that it is a party of change, yet, since it entered the government, it appears to have no radically different policy agenda from its coalition partner, PNU. As a result, ODM is increasingly losing popularity as more and more of its supporters get disillusioned.
As a matter of urgency, ODM must re-brand and re-invigorate itself as a party of change, for it to consolidate its support and retain its popularity. It should be able to convince the people that its options are currently limited given the coalition arrangement it has to operate within, but it will deliver its promised fundamental change, once it ascends to power in 2012.
To achieve this, ODM needs to be reformed by restructuring its policy framework, as well as changing its secretariat leadership. With the new constitution now in place, the party must develop new policies that would effectively address poverty and unemployment, and proactively sell them to the public to recapture its support, particularly among the youth.
Similarly, ODM urgently needs a vibrant and dynamic leadership at the secretariat, which would reconnect it to the grassroots, as well as spearhead positive policy transformation. Furthermore, the party must internally democratise to accommodate a diversity of opinions and party dissidents.
The running mate dilemma: Perhaps the biggest challenge to the PM would be to select a suitable running mate that can deliver to him large support in 2012. Naturally, one would expect that the PM would settle on Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi as his running mate, given that he is his deputy, and hails from the Luhya community, the second most important political base for him, after the Luo community.
Yet, choosing Mudavadi may be misconstrued as the 'westernisation' of his government, and consequently provide a basis for the formation of an 'Eastern alliance' led by the Gema and Kamba politicians, to counter the politically imagined and socially constructed 'Western alliance'.
But dropping Mudavadi for a more favourable running mate may not auger well with the Luhya
community, and as result, it may cost the PM the significant Luhya support, which is crucial to his quest for the presidency. Faced with this dilemma, the PM must carefully and wisely evaluate his options, and ultimately make the right choice.
Reaching out (or replacing) the Kalenjin community: If the 2012 presidential race polarises between the 'Western alliance' led by Raila and Mudavadi (Luo-Luhya alliance) verses the 'Eastern alliance' led by Kalonzo and Uhuru [Kamba-Gema alliance], it is the Kalenjin vote that might be the swing vote; the ultimate decider. If the Kalenjin back Raila as they did in 2007, he might emerge victorious. But if they tilt their support to Kalonzo, in the spirit of the KKK alliance, Raila will definitely have it rough. It's important therefore that Raila reaches out to the Kalenjin community before it's too late.
Given that in politics, there are no permanent enemies or friends, Raila should acknowledge Ruto's influence among the Kalenjin, swallow his pride and make peace with him. Though possible, it is hard for Raila to get the Kalenjin vote through an alternative tribal kingpin such as Sally Kosgey or Henry Kosgey. It will also be difficult to replace the Kalenjin vote with the Gema and Kamba vote, given the widespread anti-Raila and anti-Luo sentiments among these communities.
Containing 'Railaphobia': There are people who would do anything to stop Raila from ascending to the presidency. These groups of people range from those who merely dislike him or differ with him ideologically, to those who feel he betrayed them at one point or another, to corrupt individuals who fear prosecution under his regime. These groups are working hard to scuttle Raila's presidential ambitions. Raila should reach out or contain such individuals, as well as avoid creating unnecessary political enemies by re-building trust and confidence among his allies.
Taming 'Luophobia': A Kikuyu friend told me that though he likes Raila and would want to vote for him in 2012, he fears the behaviour of Raila's kinsmen if he ascends to power. According to him, Raila's kinsmen are the biggest obstacle to his presidential ambitions because they behave as if they own him, occasionally getting over¬excited and over-proud, even arrogant, about him. As a landlord in Kibera, my friend actually fears some of his tenants might even refuse to pay rent under a Raila regime.
Luophobia is a reality Raila should seek to address. He must appeal to his kinsmen to stop behaving as if they own him and stop heckling and throwing stones at his opponents. He must convince his kinsmen as well as his critics that he seeks not to be a Luo president, but a Kenyan president.
In trying to address Railaphobia and Luophobia, Raila might seek an alliance with the Kikuyu community in 2012. Or alternatively, he can sit back and pray that ICC prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo comes for his major political opponents. This will definitely destabilise the KKK alliance.
Bob Mukhwana is a political commentator and post-graduate student.
George Kimani: Michuki Talk on Uhuru Supremacy is Diabolical
Vote for Mwalimu Mati to be the next President of Kenya 2012
I am a young Kenyan.
I have been thinking.
I have wondered, come 2012 or earlier when we go for elections in Kenya, who is worthy of my vote?
I have considered our current crop of politicians and have found them wanting.
No, I do not want to vote for Raila Odinga or Kalonzo Musyoka or Uhuru Kenyatta or William Ruto or Musalia Mudavadi or George Saitoti or Charity Ngilu or Kiraitu Murungi or Gideon Moi or Mwai Kibaki now that we have hints he may be planning for a lifetime presidency like other African despots. They are all stained with seeds of ethnic animosity, poor governance, corruption, fanning tribal hatred and are a constant reminder of the suffering of Kenyans under the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki regimes.
For a moment, I thought I can vote for Martha Karua or Mutava Musyimi but as time goes by I have developed a bitter taste in my mouth whenever I think about these two. Mutava Musyimi stint at the current parliament has been disappointing. I wished he would stand for me and say no to all those shenanigans that happen in parliament and cabinet that propagate corruption, tribal hatred and the poverty of my fellow Kenyans and I. He has however chosen to keep quiet, a conspiracy of silence that drains our blood as Kenyans which is no different from those who steal and eat the poor Kenyan's staple food of maize and are involved in a host of other corruption scandals. It is very hard to separate Martha Karua and all the wrong things in Kibaki's twin tenure.
I did not take Eugene Wamalwa's declaration to be president lightly for I have been searching and looking for a reason to wake up early on that material day to change the course of my country. But the fact that he is linked with Jimmy Kibaki's Simama Kenya outfit makes me have an uneasy feeling that he may not be the man for he will not be his own man.
I have considered, like many other Kenyans, not to give a damn what happens in 2012, just sleep the day away - with enough stash of food and water, armed of course for any eventualities that are looking real by the day - just like any other Sunday or public holiday and not vote. My conscience, however, cannot allow me to watch as Kenya whirls away in a too familiar way.
My vote is unmarked and powerful. My vote is my dearest and most lethal weapon to eradicate all the wrongs I see in Kenya. I will give it to the man or woman who will earn it. A person who will use the tax I pay to the government wisely to develop and spur economic growth in Kenya, fighting corruption, upholding governance and ethics and actively fighting the rampant poverty that I wallow in and that surrounds me. A man who will deal with the political, economic and social hopelessness that engulfs me each passing day.
Whenever I visit the Mars Group Kenya website and listen to Mwalimu Mati in various talk shows, I see a Kenyan willing and trying to confront head-on the problems that we face as Kenyans in his own small way. I see a man that audits Kenya's spending and contractual commitments with a fine tooth comb, asks questions and reports to Kenyans how our funds are being wasted and are being used to enrich a certain political class at my expense and at the expense of the rest of Kenyans.
In Mars Group Kenya I see Kenyans who do not worship the Kenyattas, the Mois, the Kibakis, the Odingas, the British, the Americans and any other Kenyan 'god' out there that are responsible for what is wrong with my Kenya.
I perceive a Kenyan ready to make the corrupt regimes accountable for the misery of Kenyans. A Kenyan with a zeal to deal with the cancer of corruption, parasitic governance, destructive politics and wasteful spending of public funds once and for all.
I sense an angry Kenyan like me - angry and disappointed with the dangerous games our current "leaders" and politicians play - only that unlike me, he has the guts to stand up, be counted and say NO to all the political madness we experience day in day out in Kenya.
I see a Kenyan with bubbling potential to take Kenya to the next level of infrastructural development, economic growth, political accountability and responsibility without the endless mumbo jumbo of MOUs, accords and Vision 2030.
That makes me say to myself, I want that Mars Group Kenya guy to be my president.
If only he has the right mandate and authority.
My vote and your vote can give that Mars Group Kenya guy the mandate to give us the right leadership that we yearn, hope and long for.
I want that Mars Group Kenya guy to be the next president of Kenya.
Feel me? Please join me here on Facebook to give notice and spread the good news.
We can change Kenya!
Mwalimu Mati for president!!