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He was a struggling 30 year old. Then somebody took him to State House one afternoon in 1997. When he went home in the evening, he had eight prime plots worth over Shs 50 million. He has never looked back and is today worth hundreds of millions.

For presidential candidate William Samoei Ruto, the big break in the world of big money and mega deals must have come on Wednesday, December 3, 1997.

This particular Wednesday must hold special significance to Ruto for it is the day he accomplished the hitherto impossible feat of getting himself allocated close to a dozen prime plots in Nairobi; all part of a single day’s work.

These plots were to become the financial launching pad for the ambitious but humbly-bred young man from Eldoret. Today, Ruto’s is a classic story of rags to riches. He may not be wealthy in the leagues of competitors such as Raila Odinga, Mwai Kibaki or Musalia Mudavadi but he is certainly not a poor man even when compared with the other lot of presidential candidates such as Kalonzo Musyoka, Najib Balala and Dr. Julia Ojiambo.

Ruto is a man whose wealth could be in the region of a hundred million plus, quite a Herculean feat for someone who started life with nothing but a burning ambition to succeed ‘no matter what at whatever the cost’.

There are two particular people who played the crucial determining role in showing the then inexperienced Ruto which side was up and which was down in the world of mega-deals – former President Daniel arap Moi and former cabinet minister Cyrus Jirongo. He has never looked back.

Jirongo’s role in the education of Ruto started when the two teamed up in 1992 to create the infamous Kanu youth lobby group YK ’92. Jirongo, as chairman of the then high-powered and on one of the few outfits that were willing to publicly stick their necks out for Moi’s re-election, had unlimited access to President Moi and enjoyed a place of honour at the high table.

Ruto, on the other hand, was a junior official in the outfit with little money and no high-level contacts of the kind Jirongo could marshal with a few phone calls.

But Ruto had something that Jirongo did not have. He had the patience, stealth, surreptitiousness and tenacity of a stalking leopard. Using Jirongo’s good rapport with President Moi, Ruto was bale to use the lobby group’s meetings with the president to worm his way to the head of state and to key state house operatives of the time, such as former presidential aide Joshua Kulei.

While Jirongo was fast, abrasive, impatient and raring to go, behind Ruto’s deceptively innocent looking exterior was a sly and shrewd operator whose calculating ways expressed itself in his curious, one could even say devious, sense of humour.

Ruto, for instance, chose rather interesting names for the companies he used to facilitate various land deals. Ruto’s main vehicle for land deals was Oseng Properties Limited. The name Oseng or osengeng is the Kalenjin for ‘these fools’. He had another firm that went by the name Orterter Enterprises Limited. Translated, orterter means ‘we must win’. Another of his operational firms went by the name Matiny Limited. In Kalenjin Matiny stands for ‘whatever the cost’.

These were some of the more creatively named companies that Ruto used to effectively climb the financial ladder.

Soon after the 1992 general elections, the fast paced Jirongo had, who like the fabled Daedalus and Icarus of Greek mythology had flown too close to the sun, had his wings melting. Ruto, together with a few other more calculating members of YK ’92, quickly distanced themselves from the falling Jirongo and besides helping twist the political knife stuck in Jirongo’s backside; Ruto and co. swiftly used the Jirongo crisis in Kanu to get even closer to the powers that be. By so doing they inched as near to the ultimate dispenser of public goodies – President Moi – as they could.

Significantly, today, Ruto hardly sees eye to eye with either of his mentors, Moi and Jirongo. In his determination to achieve an individual political identity and autonomy he has slowly sought new friends and considers politicians like the ODM supreme Raila Odinga, as more important to his political evolution.

Record plot allocations

It all started with the formation of a company that went by the name Oseng properties Limited early in 1997 where Ruto was listed as director and chairman of the company, with his business right hand man Paul K Chirchir acting as the company secretary.

Hardly had the registrar’s ink died on the company’s registration certificate than Oseng Properties Limited was in real business. The most active day for Oseng Properties was December 3^rd 1997.

The day started with an application to president Moi by Oseng Properties fro allocation of a dozen or so prime commercial properties in the city’s plush suburbs and Ruto’s company’s given registration documents bearing the legend:

“Know all men by these presents that in consideration of the sum of shillings (relevant amount indicate) by way of stamp premium paid on or before the execution thereof, The president of the Republic of Kenya hereby grants unto Oseng Properties Limited all that piece of land situate in the City of Nairobi…..”

On that December day, Oseng Properties Limited and Orterter Enterprises were allocated at least eight plots whose total value was estimated to be in excess of Shs 50 million. Early the year that followed the companies were back in business. Two more plots were allocated on February 16 and another on two days later. On average Ruto’s companies paid the government between Shs 50,000 and Sh 280,000 for the plots as statutory dues.

The cash cow

It was these plots that he used a few days later to get millions of shillings from City Finance Bank Company and Ajay Shah’s collapsed trust Bank. Using some of these plots a s collateral, Ruto got some Kshs 50 million from City Finance bank on July 2^nd 1998.

Then on November 24^th 1998, he had another plot charged to the same fiannce company for Shs 7.5 million. The same property was later discharged and subsequently charged to Kenya Commercial bank for a loan of Shs 9.75 million.

It is certainly with the monies he got from these land dealings that Ruto was able to set himself in the world of business, and hence the world of the privileged.

Among his first business project was in the real estate initially with his erstwhile friend Cyrus Jirongo. Together they constructed a block of apartments in Ngong area sometimes in 1993 although Jirongo was the main financier for the project.

The value of the apartments, estimated to be worth at least Shs 50 million at the time, should have appreciated substantially by now and must be worth hundreds of millions. However, these apartments were later to lead to a bitter row between Ruto and Jirongo. It is not clear how the matter was ultimately settled but each party had accused the other of behaving dishonestly in the deal.

Years later Ruto would construct his own block of rental apartments along Jogoo road. The Jogoo Road apartments were estimated to be worth around Shs 50 million.

He was to diversify his line of business later and teaming up with some friends to set up an insurance company –AMACO- which did lucrative business during the last days of the Moi government. At the time Ruto had joined Moi’s inner core and had been elevated to a cabinet minister as he assisted Moi to promote project Uhuru where the former unsuccessfully tried t have Uhuru Kenyatta succeed him.

Not many others of Ruto’s businesses are in the public domain, but the aspiring ODM presidential candidate has obviously den well for himself. He has moved from a relatively poor man ten years ago to the multi-millionaire he is today with a palatial home in Karen, another equally opulent home in his rural Eldoret suburbs plus rent apartments, farms and other asserts.

Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta is the man to watch, for the next twist in the never ending Orange Democratic Party Kenya (ODM-K) power struggles continue.

Our sources say that Kanu is considering pulling out of ODM-K to enter into negotiations with a breakaway group from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in what may emerge as another third force.

It was however not clear if politicians allied to Kanu Secretary General William Ruto will come along in the new move.

In the formative days of ODM-K coalition a sharp split was about to take place in Kanu when Ruto and Uhuru differed over membership of ODM-K. Their arguments spilled over to the National Executive Committee-the chief decision making organ of the party, from where Uhuru agreed to join the coalition thus keeping their faction of the party intact.

However, Uhuru has not played a key role as a presidential aspirant in ODM-K. He has remained in the background, may be hoping that the delegate system favours him or just having exhausted all chances of having a leading role in ODM-K.

A closer look at his activities shows that he has not been criss-crossing the country campaigning, neither is he running an election oriented secretariat like his peers in ODM-K.

Strategists in his 2002 secretariat, say that he has yet to give a go ahead for the launch of his vision, a style being used by all other interested candidates for announcing the bid for the ODM-K nomination for president.

So disinterested is Uhuru according to one of his key officials at the secretariat, “that he has not even been talking about his position in ODM-K. Only last week we were preparing how to meet Kanu leaders in Magarini in preparation for the by-election.”

The Magarini by-election in Coast province next month, we established, could be the first mark of the split as Kanu insists that it would field its own candidate in the area, “since ODM-K was yet to solve the issue of the symbol,” the official said.

Already politicians allied to the Gatundu South legislators have hinted that they are getting uncomfortable and they are ready to reduce ODM-K house into a Liberal Democratic Party affair, should their sentiments not be heard.

Siakago MP, Justin Muturi, considered a key ally of Uhuru, has been hinting that the party was not willing to be part “of a cheerleading team to watch as a section of leaders ascend to power without proper processes being followed.”

Muturi’s sentiments might have been fueled by the high profile given to his perennial political enemy Joseph Nyaga, who is also the Gachoka MP. He is one of those who are seeking the ODM-K’s nomination as a presidential candidate.

“The party should start by reducing the number of presidential candidates, some of them are not credible, they are just seeking higher positions so as to keep their constituency offices,” Muturi was quoted saying.

However, Nyaga’s relations with Langata MP Raila Odinga, the de facto leader of ODM-K, and his support for the aborted London ‘bonding’ trip earned him crucial backing, with Raila hitting back, ‘we will surely reduce the presidential candidates, but not through meetings but by votes.”

Uhuru has not helped calm matters either, he is categorical that wider consultations must be held before deciding on the presidential candidate. In fact during the recent law Society of Kenya (LSK) luncheon, Uhuru was emphatic that ‘some politicians will walk away if the party flag-bearer was mot elected’.

However, reached for comment after the event, Uhuru said that ODM-K would survive the political tide and that despite the expected backlash from his home constituency he would stick to his political strategy, “since time has come to rise above partisan politics that preach ethnicity and hatred.”

“Issue based politics and not our dialects is what will make this country catch up with industrialized nations and galvanise our resources. I want to be counted as a leader who believed in a cause and not one who died fighting for his tribesmen to be in power for the sake of being in power,” Uhuru said.

“No one can deny that the survival of ODM-K is going to be based on how democratic we choose our flag bearer, but Kenyans can be sure we will do our best to keep the promise of great leadership and the promise of a free society as we deliver our flag bearer. The task is on my colleagues and I and we shall rise to the occasion,” Uhuru said.

Pressed to say what would happen if a section of leaders did not keep the promise he was evasive, “lets cross the bridges when we get there, but I can tell you no-one is ready to stay where democracy is preached but not practiced, we have a reputation to safeguard.”

Uhuru Kenyatta’s candidature in ODM-K has not been certain. One time Uhuru appears fully committed to the ODM cause, the next time, he goes quiet and missing from the scene only to reemerge again to declare his commitment to the party.

Having been sidelined in ODM-K he has several options, one of which is to strengthen Kanu and go it alone as the party’s presidential candidate or seek a coalition with other parties that will support his presidential bid or at least give him a clear role in the coalition.

Uhuru garnered 1.8 million votes in the last election and though he was far behind President Kibaki in the race, he was seen to be getting more popular towards the end of the campaigns especially to young voters. Those close to him say that it is just a matter of time for him to realign his team.

And once Kanu is out of ODM-K, the party (ODM-K) will be felt mainly as an LDP affair.

Honourable Norman Nyagah must have now realized just how precariously his position in Kamukunji is. The government’s chief whip must have also learned that tough talking does attract and not repel opponents.

He stirred the hornet’s nest when he annoyed his constituents not only because he allowed the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) kitty to accumulate ‘for purposes of doing bigger things’, but by chest thumping that no man can ‘bwogo’ him.

His statements are like those Kibwezi MP Kalembe Ndile says would make one lose two thousand votes at a time. By the number of times he spoke he could have lost many votes.

Smart and opportunistic politicians watched the unfolding drama on the sidelines. They knew when to strike. First it was SDP-turned-KANU-turned-LDP man Tony Gachoka who made the first plunge to the political ring of Kamukunji. The fellow who lost bitterly to the tycoon of Juja William Kabogo in the last election might not pose a big threat to the incumbent.

Then came the man of miracles Pius Muiru had a revelation Well, his bid suffered an instant blow when the party on whose ticket he wanted to run disowned him. Somehow he managed to re-invent himself and got a straw to lean on in form of a party called Kenya Peoples Party (KPP). Still it is a tall order for the man of maximum miracles to dethrone the son of former King of Embu politics, Jeremiah Nyaga.

The league expanded by the day and started to attract big timers and now there is eminent danger in Nyagah’s political aisle. Prominent and wordy lawyer PLO Lumumba has rolled his sleeves in readiness for battle. Last week he paid a visit to the constituency and mingled with the locals. He announced that the time to red card non-performing leaders has come. So far no one knows what he has achieved especially after being the Secretary of the Constitution Reform Commission and without a constitution to show after several years.

He however was undeterred. He went into a demonstration mode to show what good leaders are supposed to do. With a slather he invaded a nearby bush of grass and with power and enthusiasm of one who really needs to be elected cleared the bush. Perhaps a symbol that when elected Kamukunji will be that clean. And if the kind of vigour and passion he demonstrated in cutting grass is the same way he will handle Kamukunji issues, he may have what it takes. Coupled with his tiring eloquence this is a man who just might cause some ripples in the territory of the younger of the two Nyagah sons in politics.

Finally, comes Jimnah Mbaru, the former Nairobi Stock Exchange Chairman.. With resources and popularity to match, Mbaru might be the man to give Nyagah hot pursuit. In 2002 he lost to Maina Kamanda in the Narc nominations. And guess what, he is not attempting to unseat Maina again. Mbaru must have seen the opportunity come up in Kamukunji as Nyaga made a mess of things.

With miracles, gift of garb and smart money people after his job, Nyaga has reason to have sleepless nights.

In a new development, the outlawed Mungiki sect has now unveiled what it calls its budget for the year 2007 – 2008 which shows it intends to spend Sh40 billion as well as sponsor at least 40 MPs to parliament.

In an exclusive interview, a senior official of the seven member Mungiki team of officials, confirmed that its senior most unit referred to as ‘Commando Unit’ had met in their second largest base in Thogoto last week and agreed on the budget.

“That is partly why there was the Matatu chaos in Kiambu and Thika recently. This was to disorganize the police and security agencies to concentrate on the sideshow as we met in Thogoto,” a source explained.

In the budget, that adds up to 40 billion, the sect says that it will allocate Shs 20m to 40 aspiring candidates in various constituencies so to protect their various interests.

Among the constituencies targeted, they say are Nyandarua, Maragua, Gatundu South, Molo, Nakuru town and Manyatta in Embu.

Recruitment and training of new members to the sect is going to cost a whooping Shs 500 million, a cost that also takes into account refresher courses for existing membership the source said.

“Maintaining our members is crucial to our existence as a mass movement and we have to change strategy which includes building houses and starting small scale businesses fro our members, a process that has already began and we are going to ensure each of our members have a decent lifestyle in the next few months,” the confidential dossier leaked to us says.

The building of medium cost houses for the over 50,000 strong membership countrywide is estimated to cost another Shs500 million. Business loans and emergency interventions will consume Sh 1 billion.

“We however encourage our members to seek the services of the headquarters in Laikipia to write proposals so as to benefit from both the Youth Enterprise fund and the new Women’s fund,” says the proposal.

Modern highrise buildings are also being proposed in the plan that seeks to set up three modern headquarter buildings at Laikipia, Njiru and Thogoto.

The Laikipia building “will be our main operations base and will be up by mid-next year” our sources revealed.

Asked how they would survive the government scrutiny on the matter, our source was emphatic, “we will simply disguise the building, I cannot tell you how, but you should know some of the church buildings you see around everywhere in this country belong to us.”

The headquarters have been allocated Sh2 billion complete with furnishings and related expenditure.

Asked to confirm who will be handed the tenders to put up the buildings, the source was evasive, “we have engineers and labour is not an issue,” he said.

Other projects allocated monies include salaries for secretariat staff, formation of three political parties, election activities and coordinators of collection points, buying of electricity cables, press coordination and payment of fines in courts.

Budget details show that secretariat staff in Mungiki headquarters draws fat paychecks, with some of them earning well over Shs. 700,000 before allowances.

One of the key sources that the sect claims it will be relying on is contributions by sitting MP’s, which they say, “has been consistent and can be relied upon.”

All the unnamed 38 legislators, whom our source alleges include a number of cabinet ministers, contribute Shs. 15,000 monthly to the Mungiki kitty.

Ordinary members on their part contribute Sh.200 to the party activities, while mid-level members who form the majority offer Shs 5,000, those in special category contribute Sh 10,000 monthly.

Prestige members contribute a further Sh 100,000 per year, above the monthly contributions. The number of prestige members is 8,500.

Other sources of money include matatu routes, rent fees and land leasing, electricity and water diversions, security provisions and special contracts-described as hiring activities.

Buruburu OCPD, Joseph Migwi says the illegal Mungiki sect collects over Sh 3 million per day from Matatu’s in Nairobi, landlords and tapping of electricity and its distribution to unsuspecting customers.

However, the sect’s budget puts the figure of collections at only Sh 70 million per month, which translates to Sh 2 million a day.

The budget of the sect now awaits approval by its prestige members who will meet on an unspecified date, before setting the budget into motion.

There was drama last week when the Minister for Internal Security John Michuki of the ‘rattle-a-snake’ fame found himself for once staring grimly at live reptiles he has been associated with since the raid of a media house last year.

Michuki had arrived in the old town of Naivasha to unveil the newly-created Naivasha district only to leave badly shaken and rattled by the reptiles.

The launch was held at Milimani Primary school within Naivasha constituency which is represented in parliament by Assistant Minister Jayne Kihara. The ceremony which was well attended by eager wananchi, however ended prematurely when three snakes landed on the main dais as Michuki was speaking.

The residents are now blaming a mysterious cult that assembles at Le Belle Inns for the unusual drama. The story goes that a man from Giriama at the Kenyan coast is the leader of the cult.

People are asking themselves how three snakes found their way to the main dais where guests were seated. The cult story has become the talk in Naivasha town as residents try to come to terms with frequent road accidents on the main road linking Nakuru from Nairobi. The cult is being blamed for the death of the former mayor of Naivasha Mr Amisi through a grisly road smash-up.

The young Maasai men who were in attendance managed to kill two reptiles but the third one which appeared to have been the mother of the young ones disappeared just as mysteriously as it had appeared.

The newly-launched district unveiling ceremony was also attended by the Rift Valley PC and Kihara who is now passing the buck by blaming ODM-K for hiring people who brought the serpents to the meeting to embarrass her. Also in attendance were assistant minister Kalembe Ndile and the Gilgil intelligence officer who was nearest to Jayne Kihara when the drama unfolded.

A clearly rattled Michuki was reported to have refused to put on his favourite hat and umbrella for fear that the reptiles could be inside. Even the sight of the two dead reptiles could not convince the usually tough-talking minister to put on his hat as if recalling his own threat to a media house that “if you rattle a snake you must expect to be bitten by it!

Q&A with Mr. Peter Kuguru, the Chairman of the MEGA Initiative Welfare Society and Managing Director of Softa Bottling Company Limited on the challenges that continue to delay the establishment of MEGA bank which was initially planned to begin operations in August last year

Q: What is MEGA Initiative Welfare Society and what are its objectives?

A: The initiative was started in 2004 to revive the MEGA communities’ culture. The communities include the Meru, Kikuyu, Mbeere, Kirinyaga and Embu who share a common cultural heritage. Such cultural revival is essential to the communities since their cultures were adversely eroded by the colonial administration.

MEGA initiative will also help the communities to establish social activities and empower communities economically. MEGA help the communities to interact with other communities. We have formed an intercommunity council of elders which has started reaching out to other council of elders’ such as the Luo, Kamba, Mijikenda and Kisii council of elders. It is our strong contention that this will increase harmony between communities and thus provide a good intervention to eradicate tribal clashes and address political disharmony.

Relationships between the council of elders are expected to enhance transfer of information between communities and the sharing of national resources for tourism purposes. It’s going to be a boost to domestic tourism. We want MEGA members to visit western and see bull fighting and the communities can also come enjoy the magnificence of the Mt. Kenya.

Q: In which areas does the initiative intend to share knowledge and experiences with other communities?

A:We want to start economic projects such as the MEGA bank. We want to build the bank to a level where we can trade with other communities. Although, we are trying a number of community banking models, one thing is for sure, the bank will avail its services to those in the villages.

We hope to provide our clients with better terms and good interest rates. We have just learnt that the new Islamic Bank will not charge its customers interest on loans, we are looking at their model also to see how we can do it.

We believe that community banking has great potential such as the case with Barclays Bank in Europe which charges only six per cent interest on loans. Currently commercial banks in Kenya levy interest at between 14 and 15 per cent.

Q: What progress has the initiative made towards constituting the six functional committees and how are they fairing on?

A: The committees are already in place. The intercommunity relations committee already conducted about four seminars, Lat year, it met the Luhya council of elders’ among others. Another seminar is being organized by the committee at Gretsa University in Thika under the theme “Know yourself to be able to reach out to others.”

Q: What are the priority investment opportunities?

A: Other than the MEGA Bank, we are also considering the fibre-optic cable system and the construction of a museum around the Mt Kenya region to act as a reference point to the regions cultural tourism. We are also considering entering into garbage management in certain towns as well as investing in schools and communications. We also welcome other ideas from our members.

Q: Now that your initiatives has a bigger focus in rural areas, what are the alternative investment options that you intend to provide to this group of people to improve their livelihoods?

A: We will put up MEGA markets. We are intending to buy property within towns and build a market but charge a small operation fee. This is particularly in anticipation that the council markets will be eventually privatized and we would want to cash in on this opportunity. We will not compete with local business but will seek to build others.

Q: What is the contribution of Kenyans in Diaspora to the MEGA initiative?

A: We have people from London who have shown a great interest in this initiative. Already, there are eight branches in the UK participating in MEGA projects and we anticipate that more people in the Diaspora will enlist as members.

Q: What is the progress towards the establishment of the MEGA bank and which parts of the country do you anticipate will be first covered?

a: We have raised Shs 40 million. We still need to reach the Shs 250 million which is a legal requirement for investors in the banking sector. We missed the August deadline last year, but we hope to be up and running this year. We also intend to raise about Shs 1 billion. The headquarters will be here in Nairobi and we target is to open at least four branches every year, based on feasibility results. Our vision is to cover the cluster of people deemed unbankable.

Q: There is stiff competition in the banking sector currently. What strategy will MEGA bank use to attract a significant share in the market?

A: Our concept will be friendly to structural adjustments. We intend to penetrate through savings and cooperative societies and also help to develop such structures. We will formulate ideal banking products for ‘mama mboga’, ‘mkokoteni’ operators and many others in the low end bracket that has been deemed unbankable in the past. We are not looking up to big profits in a short while and will not hire expatriates.

Q: What are the requirements for one to be a MEGA member and what are the benefits?

A: Life membership is Shs.10,000 while annual membership is Shs200. Members will buy shares in the companies such as MEGA Bank.

siRKen Note:

Word is rife that the real reason behind MEGA initiative is political empowerment through control of the economy. Wealthy Mt. Kenya businessmen and professionals have teamed up in MEGA and are sending out feelers to wealthy individuals in other communities. The real intention is to control the presidency with the assumption that in the event of an unstable presidency and political environment the rich investors loose out the most. Why not pool resources and endeavour to determine who gets the presidency? Back a person who will protect their interests; capitalist nature of the business and investor community.

With the Mt. Kenya bashing that has dominated political discussions and propaganda for the last two years, the Mt. Kenya elite (esp. Kikuyu) feel threatened with an ODM (read Raila) presidency. Raila’s perceived anti-capitalism stand, anti-kikuyu political domination and remarks on the NSE (e.g. reversing IPOs) has made the Central Kenya business community paranoid. NSE Chairman, Jimnah Mbaru (a key player in the MEGA initiative) recent remarks about expected market volatility in the case of an ODM presidency is a case in point.

Word out is that the MEGA initiative (and the larger Kenya business community) feel safe with a Kibaki second term and is rumoured to have set aside billions of shillings for his campaign. The initiative is currently shopping for an alternative candidate in case Kibaki re-election bid becomes untenable. In the alternative shopping list includes Kalonzo, Uhuru and Mutava; who are also considered 2012 tentative heirs to the throne.

The MEGA initiative will also protect the Mt.Kenya communities in case ODM wins the presidency and goes ahead to implement its majimbo (federal system of government) policy.

On the ground, MEGA is facing a credibility crisis and is viewed with a lot of suspicion. Most of the leaders are self-installed a reason why there is a push to have elections in the course of the year.

Like many before him, Kisoi Munyao, Kenya’s real symbolic face of independence passed on a poor semi-depressed man, laden with the burden of debt and most probably, carrying with him emotions of resentment and umbrage at the government of the republic whose highest mountain he scaled on the eve of independence.

It is unfortunate that the man who planted the country’s flag atop the country’s highest mountain, symbolizing the country’s triumph over the colonialists in the struggle for independence, and whose arrival over a quarter million people eagerly awaited for the first independence day celebrations to commence, has left behind a legacy of despair and strife. But is the unfortunate turn of events, to an extent the making of the independence hero?

On the eve of independence, nobody at the Uhuru Gardens celebration cared what Munyao’s contribution to the struggle for independence was; what was important was that he had successfully scaled the highest peak and firmly planted Kenya’s flag at the crest of the mountain.

After the celebrations, Munyao was dropped off at his residence at Nairobi’s Jericho estate; he had served his country and had forgotten his five minutes of fame; quite literally.

But just like nobody cared what Munyao’s contribution to the end of the tyrannical reign of the colonial period was on that night of celebrations, so do few care what legacy Munyao has left behind especially the government. Quite unlike the high pitched condemnations from a section of Kenya’s political class and reputable NGOs that followed Bildad Kaggia’s and other freedom fighters passing, few had little to say after learning of Munyao’s death.

Such is the fate of many social heroes, who in a blink of an eye, move from being the point of adoration of many, to the memory that many would rather remain just that; a memory.

Social heroes in today’s dynamic world have unfortunately been transformed into cheap public relation gimmicks devoid of life whose existence merely serves to form fodder for the political class and other interested parties. But Munyao’s is a unique case where hopefully the government wishes to gain political mileage. Few people in Kenya would be willing to offset Munyao’s close to half a million bill in the name of patriotism. Alfred Mutua’s Najivunia kuwa Mkenya campaign is evidence enough of that. Moreover, aside from scaling Africa’s second highest mountain, Munyao held little political clout so politicians who might have adequate resources to offset the bill lack a reason to do so.

The needle sways and hopefully it will fall on the government to prove itself as being an adequate protector of its heroes whether political or social. The bronze statue along Kimathi Street might be sitting pretty, but now the real test is at hand; is the government able to take care of those who were ready to sacrifice themselves for their country, or are our social heroes, the true patriots of Kenya condemned to die miserably dejected men and women. The government has on several occasions found it hard to justify what heroic acts precede one’s appointment to the cabinet, whenever it faces criticism for giving hefty payments to widows of some ministers and not others.

There is need for the appointment of a committee that will propose laws and criterion for identifying genuine national heroes. In other countries such as Namibia, how, why, and who qualifies to the roll of honour, and the awards and rewards due to them are clearly stipulated. Kenyans would appreciate if similar benchmarks were to be established.

NOTE: Government’s response to this editorial on The Leader can be found on www.heroesheroines.or.ke