Isaac Ayuma: Use of vernacular not to blame

THE OTHER DAY, A FRIEND observed that ethnic chauvinism and vernacular languages are the root causes of Africa’s problems.

To him, disintegration of the very fabric of society rests squarely on vernacular. He has statistics to back up his case.

Sudan, Liberia, Burundi, and DR Congo among others, have had trouble in stark contrast to Tanzania, which largely uses one language.

He is not alone. An MP was on TV claiming that vernaculars should be banned. Countless others wish the same could happen. I agree with them that ethnic chauvinism is a big problem, but a blanket condemnation of languages misses the point.

My defence of vernacular languages, should not be construed to mean I support their (mis)use in office. That is clearly specified in our language policy, which states that English shall be the language of official communication and Kiswahili shall be the national language.

Language is a vehicle through which we convey our thoughts, fears, aspirations, and even prejudices. If our thoughts are well-intended, so will be the language we use, be it Dholuo, Giriama, Gikuyu, or Kiswahili.

To pick Tanzania and claim that it is ‘‘united’’ because it is monolingual is wrong. Tanzania is what it is because of the mindset put in place by the Ujamaa philosophy it adopted at independence.

Ujamaa encouraged Tanzanians to treat each other as kinsmen.

It did not matter whether one was a Chagga from the slopes of Mt Kilimanjaro, Sukuma from the lake region, or Hehe from southern Tanzania.

Ujamaa failed in many ways, but it ensured that Tanzania’s over 100 ethnic groups coalesced into one, both in terms of identity, and national psyche.

Kenya, on the other hand, went the capitalistic way. Ours became a man-eat-man society where all avenues were exploited to reach the money kingdom.

THE ETHNIC CARD WAS ONE SUCH cheap route. The elite recoiled into their ethnic cocoons, blinding the masses that their problems were caused by the other group. Politicians have perfected it.

Granted, a number of African countries that have (almost) failed are multilingual, but that is just a coincidence. External factors and players have contributed to their problems.

For instance, as long as the Congo remains mineral-rich, the search for a permanent solution will be like looking for the proverbial needle in a haystack. We also have monolingual countries that have gone the same way. The prime examples are Somalia and Rwanda.

Somalia has not had a stable government in almost two decades despite being not only monolingual, but also boasting one religion.

They are divided into clans and their ability to use one language has not helped them to forge ahead as one nation.

Many Kenyans think that Rwandans used Kihutu versus Kitutsi to instigate the horrific genocide. That is wrong.

All Rwandans use Kinyarwanda. They have even intermarried and do not live in purely mono-ethnic zones. What happened is that the very Kinyarwanda was coded to carry catastrophic messages.

Tutsis were called inyenze — cockroaches. Thus a seemingly harmless statement like ‘‘let us fumigate all inyenze’’ had horrific consequences.

Thus language per se is not to blame. It is merely a resource which can be used or abused to fit the whims of a user. The recent spate of hate-mail can attest to this. Over 90 per cent of the hate-mail was in languages that we all understand — English and Kiswahili.

Does that make English and Kiswahili dangerous?

Mr Ayuma is a Nairobi based journalist



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Minister at service for all Kenyans

The claims by MPs from the South Rift region that ODM sidelined the area in the recent Cabinet appointments do not hold any water.

Instead of appreciating the fact that one of their own (Kipkalya Kones) has been given one of the most powerful ministries (Roads), they are busy sulking.

The Kipsigis, like all other communities, should understand that no community is a winner or a loser.

Put it this way: If Prime Minister Raila Odinga had indeed succeeded to be the President, the number of Cabinet ministers could have been 15.

This means that the entire Kalenjin community could be allocated two slots at most. The Kipsigis could possibly have been given a single assistant minister.

The Kipsigis MPs should appreciate the prevailing reality and stop blaming Mr Odinga.

It is equally unfair to reason that the Nandi (the second largest Kalenjin sub-tribe after Kipsigis) were allocated three Cabinet positions at the expense of the Kipsigis.

Cabinet ministers are at the service of all Kenyans; not just their respective communities.

Mr William Ruto, for instance, is not minister for Agriculture, who will serve Nandis or Kalenjins alone. He will serve all Kenyans. The same applies to Mr Kones, Mr John Michuki, Mrs Linah Kilimo, Mr James Orengo, Mr Najib Balala, Mr Mohammed Kuti, Mr John Munyes, to name but some.

But again, as a matter of fact, none of these MPs was elected by their constituents on conditions that he or she will be appointed to the Cabinet.

It is true that the South Rift gave more votes to ODM compared to North Rift during the last General Election.

However, the Cabinet has not been formed depending on who voted and who did not vote for ODM. There were many factors for consideration, including regional balancing.

Although we agree that some of the people named in the Cabinet did not represent the change ODM had promised during its campaign, there is need to sit down as leaders and come up with solutions that can satisfy all Kenyans.

KIMAIYA KACHEBAIBAI,
Tot, Marakwet.



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Do more to secure public sector gains

With about a third of the top Civil Service positions in new hands, the stage is set for a new phase of reform in the public sector.

Hopefully, the balancing of political and regional considerations were not the only criteria in Monday’s appointments and some thought went into issues such as succession planning and the protection of institutional memory.

Ahead of the announcement of the changes, there was some pressure on President Kibaki to send home a number of individuals, including Head of Public Service, Ambassador Francis Muthaura. The continued reliance on old hands, retained on contract well after they attained retirement age, has been a bone of contention — though largely for political reasons.

We believe it points to possible weaknesses in succession planning and should be addressed as part of ongoing reforms within the public sector. The fact that many of the strongest candidates suggested to replace Muthaura are in the private sector speaks volumes. Hopefully, some of the younger PSs who have been rotated to other ministries, or others, are being groomed for possible promotion to head the Public Service.

Despite the hue and cry for new faces, the decision to retain two thirds of the top civil servants bodes well for the safeguarding of institutional memory. There are good arguments for not changing horses midstream when this might affect successful initiatives like the Government divestiture programme, public administration initiatives, communications reform and the streamlining of public procurement.

That said, building up broadly representative talent within the service — the so-called ‘face of Kenya’ — will help ensure smoother successions and reduce the impact of political disruptions. Also, new appointees are more likely to come up with fresh approaches to the problem of a growing wage bill, one area in which there has been little success reported.

Public servants distinguished themselves in the last five years through implementing policies on modernisation, liberalisation, smarter contracting, investment in infrastructure and so on. The introduction of a performance contracts scheme, for instance, earned Kenya one of the United Nations’ Public Service Excellence awards in June last year. The scheme was part of a larger shift away from process-oriented bureaucracy to result-driven service delivery.

PSs play a key role in the success of Government programmes. In driving forward the results-based management practices that saw Government achieve modest success between 2003 and 2007, we expect the 56 men and women at the helm of the civil service to outdo past performance, and spark new reform and renewal.



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Nancy Mburu: Leaders must tackle youth problems to stop militias

Mungiki, Taliban, Sungu Sungu, Chinkororo, Baghdad Boys, Sabaot Land Defence Force, Kaya Bombo, the warriors of Rift Valley: To me, they are all the same, except perhaps in the degree of viciousness and notoriety.

These are the self-styled militias, vigilante groups and organised crime gangs that have sprouted up in almost every part of the country, posing an increasing challenge to an overstretched police force.

These gangs specialise in instilling the fear of God in people. Given their numbers, they are threatening to overrun the entire country. The more police try to crush them, the more hard-core they get.

Last week, we saw the Mungiki paralyse public transport and force businesses in parts of Central and Rift Valley provinces to close. Many youths in Central, and women too, now think it is hip to join the underground sect.

Troubled youth

We may theorise and quote all the research papers we can get, but I believe Mungiki is a microcosm of the troubled youth in this country. It is sad case of a youth living by the sword and dying by the sword. It is about a disillusioned youth who are determined to hit back at the society with whatever means they can find.

And as Mungiki recently proved, they were not merely protesting at the horrific killing of their leader, Mr Maina Njenga’s wife, but they had an underlying resentment. As soon as Prime Minister Raila Odinga extended an olive branch to the sect members, they immediately halted the riots. They expressed hope that the Grand Coalition Government would give its members jobs and investigate alleged extra-judicial killings by police.

We are looking at a case of youths who are unable to deal with poverty and lack of employment, in a capitalist society where the minority are too rich and the majority too poor. In this system, you are nobody if you have no money or a job.

It is about an angry youth who have been duped by politicians to do their dirty work for them, but the latter have not kept their part of the bargain. It is about an education system that only glorifies academic grades and ignores those who are not academically gifted. And even for those who pass academic exams, jobs are not guaranteed.

It is about a leadership that only thinks the youth should be confined to petty businesses and the jua kali sector, as the old generation clings on to the white collar jobs.

A part from the militias, gangsters, carjackers and rapists are also
young people. Those who do not have the stomach to join hardcore crime resort to prostitution, drug and alcohol abuse and even suicide. The press last week carried the sad story of Kirinyaga District, which has been hit by a wave of suicides among the youth.

Back to the militias: Security forces may be sent to flush out gangs and raiders in far flung areas like Mt Elgon and Pokot, but Mungiki have proved that urban areas are not safe either. If the trend continues, organised crime will become a way of life among the youth.

The militias now use mafia like tactics to intimidate even police. One mafia gang in Italy, the Naples mafia, proved its might in 2004 when a whole neighbourhood literally surrounded police and made them hostage for trying to capture a leader of the Naples Mafia.

Likewise, the Mungiki have the audacity to dare the police with their attack-and-run tactics. Clearly, guns and batons will not work with these gangs, given the pathetic ratio of police to citizens in Kenya.

Most organised crime groups in the West arose from the "rejects" of their respective societies. Most have roots in prison gangs and people who were expelled from their countries.

Likewise, members of Kenyan militias are the "outcasts" — the "idlers" and "academic failures". But now, even school boys are getting recruited.

The onus, once again, is on the leaders to save the youth. Even as security forces tackle crime, the leaders have to come up with lasting solutions of rehabilitating the youth.

Every MP worth his or her salt should start a viable youth project in their constituency.

Work for Madam Hellen Sambili, the new Minister for Youth and Sports, has just begun. She must liaise with relevant ministries to help young people. Job creation and wealth creation, and a fully fledged social services department to address problems their problems should be priorities. We do not want a Government of selfish old men, who have no agenda for their most productive people.

The writer is The Standard’s Chief Sub-editor, Weekend Editions



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Grand Regency: Kenya's Next Corruption Scandal

Today, Amos Wako, the Attorney General stated that he was not consulted in the recent handover of the Goldenberg linked Grand regency Hotel. The hotel was handed over by Kamlesh Pattni the Goldenberg architect to the Aaron Ringera led Kenya Anti Corruption Commission (KACC). KACC later handed over the hotel to the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK). It is now purported that CBK has sold off the hotel to Libyan investors without following due process and at a throwaway price.

Amos Kimunya, the finance minister will be the man on the spotlight and heat is slowly increasing on his seat weeks after his ministry colluded to deny Kenyans the knowledge of Mobitelea and their irregular allocation of Safaricom shareholding.

Here is a collection of stories regarding Grand Regency:

Nation 19-04-2008: Is this another Goldenberg plot?

Fresh questions have emerged over the alleged sale of the Grand Regency Hotel, days after Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni said he had surrendered the multi-billion shilling investment to the Central Bank of Kenya.

Central Bank Governor Njuguna Ndung’u and Kacc Deputy Director Fatuma Sichale at the hand-over ceremony of the Grand Regency Hotel. Photo/ ANTHONY KAMAU
According to sources familiar with the issue and documents in our possession, the hotel at the centre of Kenya’s biggest ever corruption scandal, Goldenberg, may have been secretly sold off to Libyan investors at a throw-away price of Sh1.6 billion against its market value said to be in the region of Sh7.5 billion.

The sources said the hotel may have changed hands or is in the process of being transferred to the Libyan company after Mr Pattni relinquished his rights over the property that has been under the statutory management of the Central Bank of Kenya since 1994.

However, when reached for comment yesterday, the CBK legal director, Mr Ken Abuga, denied reports of the sale.

“The truth of the matter is that the hotel is yet to be sold. As and when it is sold, details of the sale will be released to the public.”

But the Saturday Nation established that a group of lawyers was analysing documents relating to the surrender and alleged sale with a view to taking legal action against the CBK, the Kenya Anti-Corruption Authority (KACC), the Attorney General and Mr Pattni.

The group says it has documents that show the transaction even as they mention the lawyers involved in the deal who, ironically, are in private practice. The involvement ofprivate lawyers in the public transaction has raised eyebrows.

Ultimate disposal

At the centre of the controversy that Kituo cha Sheria executive director Ekuru Aukot calls “Goldenberg Two”, are concerns that the surrender and ultimate disposal of the hotel to the Libyans is irregular.

“Grand Regency is a public asset since Pattni allegedly stole the money that built it. It should thus revert to Kenyans,” says Dr Aukot.

The CBK had attached the hotel because it was built using funds stolen from the public coffers.

Indeed, during the handing over of the hotel to CBK last week, KACC director Aaron Ringera described the surrender as “the happiest day for the commission as we conclude this great recovery of an asset obtained fraudulently using public funds”.

KACC spokesperson Nicholas Simani yesterday promised to release a detailed statement highlighting the status of the hotel.

However, he said that the hotel was their biggest recovery of a public asset so far, placing its value at more than Sh3 billion.

Stage-managed

“We handed over the hotel to the Central Bank after receiving from Mr Pattni,” Mr Simani said.

According to the Kituo Cha Sheria director, “it’s not clear to us about the recovery of this asset. The surrender of the hotel appears stage-managed. It is not clear at all”.

Other lawyers interviewed raised questions about the disposal of a public asset without regard to due process.

“The Procurement Act and the Privatisation Act provide that a public asset is disposed of through tendering. You cannot use single-sourcing to sell off a good that belongs to Kenyans,” said a former chairman of the Law Society of Kenya, in apparent reference to reports that CBK may have unilaterally sold the hotel to the Libyan firm. “Single-sourcing is fraudulent.”

According to the lawyer, the Attorney General, CBK and KACC had failed to explain their role in the transaction with Mr Pattni.

“Somebody somewhere is benefiting,” Dr Aukot said, noting that the Grand Regency now being sold for a “paltry” Sh1.6 billion was worth $230 million 15 years ago. “If you value it today it is worth Sh7.5 billion.”

“Kenyans may lose more money than happened during the Goldenberg scandal. Where has the Sh5 billion gone?” asked Dr Aukot. “This is Goldenberg Two.”

Documents made available to the Saturday Nation show an agreement between Mr Pattni and the CBK, in which the businessman seeks a government guarantee against further criminal cases relating to the Goldenberg scandal in which he is accused of making billions of shillings in a fake export compensation scheme.

Tourist hotel

Prior to the surrender, the luxurious tourist hotel in the heart of Nairobi was charged to CBK to secure a Sh2.5 billion debt as obligation to businesses owned by Mr Pattni, arising from his role in Goldenberg.

The hotel was owned by Uhuru Highway Development Company in which Mr Pattni is the principal shareholder.

Mr Pattni was the subject of a Commission of Inquiry into the Goldenberg scandal which started in February 2003 and ended in September 2004.

The commission recommended that he, alongside other beneficiaries, be prosecuted and made to pay back the money they stole.

In one of the new documents prepared by a Nairobi law firm, Mr Pattni resolves to relinquish to CBK “all my proprietary rights and interest”.

He then asks the Government to consider “withdrawing all civil and criminal cases revolving around me, affecting my rights and to enable myself (sic) adopt a fresh chapter in my life consistent with my new calling as a servant of God”.

Mr Pattni cites “negative perceptions in the minds of members of the public about the source of funds employed to construct the hotel” as part of the reasons he is relinquishing the property to the CBK.

Yet the documents show some discrepancy in the transaction. In one of them Mr Pattni promises to dispose of all property rights in the hotel in a bid to free himself of “any encumbrances”.

In another, he writes about his desire to dispose of “all my property rights in the (hotel by selling (it) jointly with Central Bank of Kenya to a buyer free of any encumbrances at market value determined by two reputable valuers…”

The document says the asset is worth Sh1.6 billion.

Yet it is not the hand-over that appears to trouble legal experts.

The manner in which it was done and the subsequent sale is.

Dr Aukot reads mischief in the manner in which the two parties, Mr Pattni and CBK, exchanged the asset.

“For Pattni to just release the hotel without telling Kenyans why and how he is giving it up raises many questions. The surrender is fake; it is stage-managed.”

The Kituo Cha Sheria executive director says the CBK and KACC (whose directors were at the hand-over ceremony) and Attorney General Amos Wako owe Kenyans an explanation on the surrender and subsequent sale.

“The hotel is a public asset, it belongs to Kenyans so we should be told the conditions in which it was surrendered and sold.”

About status

He reads “complicity” between KACC and CBK, the Attorney General in what he terms an irregular deal.

“Is KACC giving corruption a clean bill of health? Are State agencies complicity to corruption?”

He says the receivers, KACC and CBK, should have informed the public about the status of the hotel at the time of surrender by Mr Pattni.

“Kenyans should have been told about the hotel’s turnover, its assets and liabilities. The hotel belongs to Kenyans and they should be thus informed about its status before it changes hands,” said Dr Aukot.

Our efforts to get a comment from Mr Pattni failed. An aide who answered his phone and gave his name as Mr Joye promised to call us back but had not done so by the time we went to press.

Nation (22-04-2008): Uproar over Pattni amnesty plea

The status of cases against Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni remained unclear as lawyers questioned the rationale of a blanket amnesty sought by him.

The businessman, who “gave up” the five-star Grand Regency hotel two weeks ago and sought amnesty, has at least three pending cases relating to the multi-billion Goldenberg scandal, the Nation learnt.

Mr Pattni’s plea read in part: “I hereby humbly petition the Government of the Republic of Kenya in the spirit of reconciliatory treatment to consider withdrawing all civil and criminal cases revolving around me, my associate companies and the Grand Regency Hotel and any other disputes related thereto affecting my rights and to enable myself adopt a fresh chapter in my life consistent with my new calling as a servant of God,” he says.

The surrender

The plea is contained in a document drawn by a city law firm for Mr Pattni.

The revelation drew sharp criticism from lawyers who described the request as amounting to erasing everything that was Goldenberg in which the country lost billions of shillings in fake exports of gold and jewellery under the defunct export compensation scheme.

“Are we bringing Goldenberg to a stop? asked Dr Ekuru Aukot, the executive director of Kituo cha Sheria. “Is KACC giving corruption a clean bill of health? Kenyans should be worried about the consequences of the deal.”

Dr Aukot wondered why the sale should be shrouded in mystery.

“We want to know the circumstances in which the deal was arrived at. Was Pattni paid for the hotel? Was it a blanket amnesty? What about the co-accused? Will they be subject also to such unilateral arrangements?”

Former Law Society of Kenya chairman Abdulahi Ahmednasir said it would be difficult to prosecute the co-accused once the graft watchdog and the AG remove the principal (Mr Pattni) from the equation. He said the amnesty was irregular and sets a bad precedent in the war on graft.

“What KACC is saying is that if you want to steal, steal big,” he said. “It appears the policy of Kenya is to prosecute pickpockets and bhang smokers. If you steal Sh100 million, you will get immunity and walk away freely.”

A commissioner with the State-funded Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, Mr Hassan Omar, said: “There are fundamental issues which should be dealt with before amnesty is granted.

What kind of amnesty? Who considers the amnesty? Is it by a private individual or a panel? What do we do with the net gains of corruption, given that the hotel has been in business for over 15 years? Should amnesty guarantee absolute freedom from prosecution?”

Father Gabriel Dolan of the Catholic Justice and Peace Commission also questioned the rational of the amnesty. “There is a lot that KACC and CBK have to tell Kenyans,” he said.

Mr Pattni’s pending cases include one in which he is accused with former Treasury PS Wilfred Koinange, former Central Bank governor Eric Kotut, former Kenya Commercial Bank general manager Elijah arap Bii and his deputy Eliphas Riungu. They are charged with conspiring to steal Sh5.8 billion from the Government.

Another pending case is the dispute over ownership of Grand Regency Hotel. The case is between Central Bank and Uhuru Highway Development Company.

Sources at KACC told the Nation that Mr Pattni entered into an agreement with the commission to surrender the hotel. It was on this agreement that Mr Pattni allegedly gave up the hotel to the Central Bank of Kenya two weeks ago.

The Nation also learnt that the Sh5.8 billion criminal case against Mr Pattni might not be part of the deal.

In October 2006, Mr Pattni requested the Government to settle out of court the Sh5.8 billion corruption case against him. The request was turned down.

Yesterday, KACC’s Nicholas Simani referred us to the AG’s office when asked whether he was aware of Mr Pattni’s request to drop all charges against him.

He said all the commission did on behalf of Central Bank was to take over the hotel from Mr Pattni and give it back to its rightful owners.

Business Daily: 08-06-2007: Libyans open talks to buy Grand Regency

In what is the clearest indication yet of how deep Kenya’s involvement with Libya runs, a group of Libyan investors have opened talks with Treasury to buy the Grand Regency Hotel-- Nairobi’s multi-billion shilling Five Star hotel that is under the management of government-appointed receiver managers.

Mukhisa Kituyi, the Trade and Industry minister, told journalists that the Libyans had made their intentions known during President Kibaki’s recent visit to Tripoli. Kibaki’s three day trip to Libya culminated into the signing of a series of economic partnerships agreements aimed at boosting trade between the two countries.

Grand Regency, which is Nairobi’s top end hotel and the latest to grace Nairobi’s landscape, was built in the early 1990s and has been the subject of a lengthy legal spat between businessman Kamlesh Pattni and the Government -- its construction having been linked to the country’s mega financial scam, Goldenberg.

The 220 bed hotel is under Central Bank of Kenya-appointed receiver managers, whose brief is to recover money it lent to Uhuru Highway Development Limited -- the developers of the facility, formerly owned by collapsed Pan African Bank.

Pan Africa is one of the banks that collapsed in the wake of the Goldenberg -- the export compensation that was engineered by Mr Pattni leading to the loss of Sh17 billion in public funds.

The Central Bank’s involvement in the hotel is linked to the Sh2.5 billion it loaned Pan African Bank’s property development arm Uhuru Highway Development Limited whose ownership was transferred to Mr Pattni after he bought the bank.

Libya, a member of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa) has been tightening its involvement with Kenya since last year and is one of the countries that signed the treaty for the creation of a customs union that is due to beome operational in December next year.
Until Kibaki’s latest trip to Tripoli, Libya’s interest in Kenya has mainly been in the oil industry where it had bought out Exxon Mobil’s assets in the country and won a lucrative contract to extend the Kenya’s oil pipeline to the Ugandan capital, Kampala.

Dr. Kituyi told journalists that a major investment group had bought prime plot in Nairobi where they plan to build a 600 bed ultra-modern hotel. Indications are that the land, which is situated along Kenyatta Avenue opposite Nyayo House, has been bought by Libyans.

A statement released by the Presidential Press Service at the end of Mr Kibaki’s visit to Tripoli indicated that Libyan investors had expressed interest in building a Six Star hotel in Nairobi and a confrence facility in Mombasa.

If the facility that insiders have described as a magnificent piece of architecture is built on the said piece of land, it would turn the area into a large hotel complex including the Regency that is only separated from it by a 10 metre-wide road.

The emergence of such a complex in the centre of Nairobi would be in line with the government’s goal of positioning tourism as one of the drivers of economic growth in the country.

Asked why the hotel could not be sold to Kenyans, Dr Kituyi responded “I’d like Kenyans, especially the ones in the Diaspora to come home and build new hotels not to buy the ones already built.”

The minister said the Government was interested in increasing investment in the hotel sector to help cope with neck-break growth in the tourism sector.
Dr Kituyi said the sale of Grand Regency Hotel could only be discussed by Central Bank which put the hotel under receivership in 1994.

“I cannot release details regarding the interest expressed by Libyans to purchase Grand Regency. The hotel is under receivership and any interested buyer should speak with the Central Bank, who is the official receiver” said Dr. Kituyi at a news conference yesterday.




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Kenya's New Permanent Secretaries

OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
Cabinet Office
Permanent Secretary, Secretary to the Cabinet, and Head of Public Service
Ambassador Francis Muthaura

Private Secretary/Comptroller: Mr. Hyslop Ipu

Public Communications Secretary
& Government Spokesperson: Dr. Alfred N. Mutua

Secretary, National Economic &
Social Council: Dr. Julius Monzi Muia

Principal Administrative Secretary: Mr. Sam Mwale

Secretary, Presidential Press
Service: Mr. Isaiah Kabira

Ministry of State for Internal Security & Provincial Administration
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Francis Kimemia

Secretary, Provincial
Administration: Mr. Kenneth M. Lusaka

Ministry of State for Defence
Permanent Secretary: Amb. Nancy Kirui

OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT
Ministry of State for Home Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Ludeki Chweya

Ministry of State for Immigration and Registration of Persons
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Emannuel Kisombe

Ministry of State for National Heritage & Culture
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Seno Nyakenyanya
Secretary, Culture: Mr. Said Athman

OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Mohammed Isahakia
Secretary, Administration Mr. Caroli Omondi

Ministry of Planning, National Development and Vision 2030
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Edward Sambili

Ministry of State for Public Service
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Titus Ndambuki

Permanent Secretary, Public
Sector Reforms & Performance
Contracting: Mr. Richard Ndubai

OFFICE OF DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTRY OF TRADE
Permanent Secretary: Dr (Eng) Silas Njiru

Secretary, External Trade: Mr. Simon Chacha Nyangi

OFFICE OF THE DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTRY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Samuel Kirui

Ministry of East African Community
Permanent Secretary: Mr. David Nalo

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Thuita Mwangi

Ministry of Finance
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Joseph Kinyua

Finance Secretary: Mr. Mutua Kilaka

Investment Secretary: Ms. Esther Koimett

Economic Secretary: Dr. Kamau Thuge

Ministry of Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Amb. Amina Mohammed
Secretary, National Cohesion: Dr. Kithure Kindiki

Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Philip Onyango Sika

Secretary, Physical Planning: Eng. John Ndirangu Maina

Ministry of Roads
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Michael Kamau

Ministry of Public Works
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Mark Bor

Secretary for Works: Mr. Gideon Mulyungi

Ministry of Transport
Permanent Secretary: Eng. Abdulrazak Aden Ali

Ministry of Water and Irrigation
Permanent Secretary: Eng. David Stower

Information & Communication
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Bitange Ndemo

Ministry of Energy
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Patrick Nyoike

Ministry of Lands
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Dorothy Angote

Ministry of Environment and Mineral Resources
Permanent Secretary: Prof. James Ole Kiyiapi

Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Kombo Mwero

Ministry of Tourism
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Rebecca Mwikali Nabutola

Ministry of Agriculture
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Romano M. Kiome

Ministry of Livestock Development
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Jacob Ole Miaron

Ministry of Fisheries Development
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Micheni Ntiba

Ministry of Regional Development Authorities
Permanent Secretary: Eng. Carey Orege

Ministry of Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Hukka Wario

Ministry of Education
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Karega Mutahi

Secretary, Education: Prof. George Godia

Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Crispus Kiamba

Secretary, National Council
For Science and Technology: Prof. Abdirazak Shaukat

Ministry of Cooperatives Development
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Patrick Khaemba

Ministry of Industrialization
Permanent Secretary: Prof. John Krop Lonyangapuo
Secretary for Industrialization: Dr. John Musonic

Ministry of Housing
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Tirop Kosgey

Ministry of Special Programmes
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Ali Dawood

Ministry of Gender & Children Development
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Leah Adda Gwiyo
Secretary for Children Affairs: Prof. Jacqueline Oduol

Ministry of Public Health and Sanitation
Permanent Secretary: Dr. James Nyikal

Ministry of Medical Services
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Hezron Nyangito

Director of Medical Services: Dr. Francis Kimani
Ministry of Labour
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Beatrice Naliaka Wasike

Ministry of Youth and Sports
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Murugu Kinuthia, BS

Secretary, Sports Mr. Daniel K. Maanzo

Office of the Attorney General
Solicitor General: Mr. Wanjuki Muchemi


Dropped:

Cyrus Gituai (Internal Security)
Gerishom Ikiara (Transport)
Zachary Mwaura (Defence)
Rachel Arunga (Special Programmes)
Rachel Dzombo (Sports)
Mahboub Maalim (Water)

Scrapped:

Advisor/Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President - formerly held by Stanley Murage



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Kenya's Tumbos Form a Grand Eating Coalition



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