Prof. George Saitoti, Minister for Education has announced KCSE results for 2006 two hours late as he had some urgent meeting at state house.

The top student is Omanga Dickens from Friends School Kamusinga. Starehe Boys Centre tops the list of top overall schools, the first for the new director Prof. Jesse Mugambi.

The results are accessible online on the Kenya National Examinations Council Website (KNEC) and on SMS. A candidate should send a text message to 7070 in the format "KCSE FULLINDEXNUMBER".

243,453 candidates sat for the exam in 4,506 secondary schools 94,071 in 2005).

Eastern and Central province girl enrollment rate was higher than boys. Nationally 43 % were girls and 57% were boys.

1,165 candidates scored a mean grade of A (611 in 2005).

12,814 (5.26%) scored B+ and above (12,481 in 2005 - 4.79%)

Mathematics had 5,188 As (3,644 in 2005)
English had 1,470 As (554 in 2005)
Kiswahili had 3,551 As (2,122 in 2005)

KCSE to resit only the papers they need to improve their grades on starting this year.

679 cases of irregularity were reported from 93 schools and results have been withheld

Top Overall Schools
1) Starehe Boys Centre
2) Strathmore School
3) Alliance Boys
4) Kianda Girls
5) Loreto Limuru
6) Precious Blood - Riruta
7) Mangu High School
8) Friends School Kamusinga
9) Mama Ngina Girls - Mombasa
10) Sunshine Secondary

Top National Schools
1) Starehe Boys Centre
2) Alliance Boys
3) Loreto Limuru
4) Mangu High School
5) Moi Girls Eldoret
6) Maseno High School
7) Kaaga High School
8) Alliance Girls
9) Lenana High School
10) Utumishi Academy

Top Provincial Schools
1) Precious Blood Riruta
2) Friends School Kamusinga
3) Mama Ngina Girls - Mombasa
4) Njiiri High School
5) Bishop Gatimu Ngandu Girls
6) Pangani Girls
7) Kaaga High School
8) Nyeri High School
9) Namuhia Girls
10) Precious Blood- Kilungu

Top District School
1) Nguviu Boys
2) Kagwe Girls
3) Moi Forces Academy Mombasa
4) Maia Girls
5) Rubiretu Girls
6) Young Muslim
7) Kisau Girls
8) Makuri Girls
9) Amabiko Secondary
10) Kegange Secondary

Saitoti ended: "Keeping in line with the new technology all these results are contained in this diskette", in reference to the results DVD that was handed over to him.

Check more online results on the Ministry of Education Website

As the pushing and shoving for the ODM presidential nomination intensifies, sources within the party hint that Mr. Musalia Mudavadi will most likely be picked as the party’s presidential candidate through consensus.

In exclusive discussions with The Leader this week, insiders in the party disclosed that Mudavadi is the top contender after scoring highest in 17 criteria drawn by the party nomination committee chaired by the Emuhaya MP, Kenneth Marende.

The party nomination criteria have been discussed with all seven ODM presidential hopefuls but is yet to be approved and ratified by the party plenary, the highest decision making body that last met in Naivasha towards the end of last year.

The 17-point criteria proposed by the Marende committee are to consider, among other factors, the candidate with the best national appeal, the largest bloc vote, ability to fund a presidential campaign and track record on leadership. Others are a clean record of public service, international networks and age.

Though sources could not divulge to us all the 17 points, they confirmed that Mudavadi scores highest in about 10 of the 17 points and would most likely be agreed upon as the compromise candidate in the ODM nomination.

Perhaps buoyed by the new turn of events, the Mudavadi campaign bandwagon hit the ground running this week by launching a whirlwind countrywide tour to woo ODM delegates ahead of the party nomination scheduled for June. The tour began yesterday (Thursday) in the north Rift and will proceed to central and south Rift Valley over the weekend. Next week, Mudavadi’s entourage descends on the coast province.

In an exclusive interview, a key coordinator of Mudavadi’s campaign, Vihiga MP Andrew Ligale, said his candidate is not sitting back and waiting for somebody else to say Tosha but is sweating it out like anybody else.

Said he: “if he is picked by consensus and through a laid down and broadly accepted criteria, that is quite fine with us. If it will be nomination by delegates, we are still comfortable with that. We are going to battle it out.”

At the same time, Ligale dispelled the notion that Mudavadi was ever a front for Mr. Raila Odinga and dismissed it as a creation of the media.

He said the media have done a disservice to all by over-playing, even imagining, Raila’s role as a king-maker just because he once said tosha and it came to pass.

Ligale further disclosed that Mudavadi is working on his own “mission and vision” if he were to be president. “We will soon tell Kenyans what we stand for,” he said, adding that the priority now is to clinch the ODM nomination.

Mudavadi has already authored a book entitled ‘Re-thinking Development for 21^st Century: A case for Kenya’. The bood is a summary of opinions formed when he was the country’s Minister for Finance from 1993 to 1997.

We have reliably learnt that a camp opposed to the 17 criteria has been pushing for an alternative one based on creation of a six-point power structure comprising of a president, two deputy presidents, a prime minister and two deputy prime ministers. The alternative structure was deliberately leaked to a section of the media early in the week and disguised as the official ODM line.

But a source dismissed it and said it was the work of the camp that feared losing out if the 17 criteria are adapted at the plenary.

Said the source: “We know the group. They have smelt defeat if the 17 point roadmap goes through and are trying to revive the old Bomas politics of a of a presidential vis a vis the parliamentary system. That way, they can be assured of a power that comes from board room brokering and not through the ballot.”

Sources within ODM likened the six-point power structure to a mirage as it is yet to be entrenched in the country’s constitution and cannot get the requisite two-thirds majority to pass it in the current parliament.

Said a source: “The six-point power structure will take us back to the 2002 MoU where positions were promised but not given simply because they were not in the Constitution. Neither was there a guarantee that they would ever be created once the coalition came to power.”

Back to the proposed 17 point criteria for picking the ODM consensus candidate, Mudavadi scores highest on one of the major areas, which is the largest bloc vote a candidate can bring to the table. At the sound of the whistle, mudavadi can marshal a million votes from the vast Western province and Trans Nzoia district, not to mention the large Luhya presence in Nakuru and Mombasa.

That is a powerful showing compared to Raila’s half a million votes in Luo Nyanza and another two hundred thousand outside Nyanza.

Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka is also trailing Mudavadi with a total of about six hundred Kamba votes in and outside Ukambani.

If Mudavadi is nominated the ODM candidate, pundits are agreed that he would prove the most daunting prospect in an orange shirt for Kibaki. If he is nominated and ODM remains intact, there is already near total unanimity that the Luhya, whose vote is usually divided between various parties, might decide to vote as a bloc for one of their own. Ford Kenya’s Musikari Kombo and Kaddu’s Cyrus Jirongo have intimated as much.

In addition to the votes the other so called luminaries would bring, there is also the prospect that the Kalenjin vote that would be determined by the preference of former president Moi would most likely go to him rather than to Kibaki as have been previously thought. Recent developments, certainly informed by the prospect of a Mudavadi candidacy under ODM, indicate that Moi could be warming up to ODM or, at least, is not as hostile to the party as he previously was. Mudavadi is related to Moi by marriage.

When it comes to delegates within ODM, only Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto would beat Mudavadi. However, in the final election, Mudavadi has a clear advantage in that he would carry the entire Luhya vote while Uhuru has to scavenge for the scant Mount Kenya vote he would be spared by the incumbent President Mwai Kibaki if both were on the ballot box.

Musalia also has a clear advantage over Ruto at the final poll on account of national appeal and past record. He may not exactly be Mr.Clean but certainly scores much higher than Ruto in terms of integrity.

Mudavadi also has another big advantage in not being as abrasive as his two better known adversaries within ODM, Raila and Kalonzo. His perceived political timidity may eventually prove an asset, the way it did for President Moi in the last days of Kenyatta administration, or president Kibaki in the countdown to the 2002 Tosha declaration.

I am a registered voter and resident of Cherangany as well as an ardent and active supporter of Ford-Kenya.

However, I am concerned by recent developments in the party's Cherangany branch.

An aspirant for the constituency's seat on the party's ticket has allegedly compromised some of the branch's current senior officials to ensure that he gets the ticket he needs ahead of the 2007 General Elections.

The aspirant, a well-moneyed person by most standards, has also reportedly warmed his way into the heart of the Ford-Kenya head office for the same purpose, thus making nonsense of the party's constitution and the elections held last year, in which his allies lost resoundingly.

Apart from greasing the palms of some of the key Cherangany branch officials, the increasingly unpopular aspirant has also reportedly paid some rent for the branch office and intends to equip it with some facilities.

Interestingly, word is that he has been organizing for Ford-K national Chairman Hon. Musikari Kombo to not only come and open the refurbished office, but also lunch at his home afterwards.

All this obviously raises serious integrity and credibility issues on the part of many Ford-K officials in Cherangany as well as the head office.

Questions:

1. What is Ford-Kenya's policy on credible candidates, but who cannot buy their way into the party's nominations so early in the race?

2. What assurances can there be that the party's nominations are going to be free and fair in the end?

The one thing the Ford-K head office must realize this early is that it in condoning what is unfolding in Cherangany, it has already set itself on a path towards a disastrous loss in this year's elections.

And nothing short of barring the aspirant in question is going to stop the looming loss.

-- Simiyu

Talking to people in different camps in ODM-K, it is absolutely evident that every one of the big guns hopes that it will be them who will land the party’s nomination. Realistically, the people with the greatest chance are three; Raila, Kalonzo and Mudavadi. But Ruto and Uhuru still entertain the hope that when all the equations are in, they will still have an outside chance to land the nomination by default. But what will be the fortunes of the rest if Musalia does, indeed, land it?

Raila:

Whoever gets nominated, Raila will certainly have played the king maker. Raila is a formidable political operator who works very hard towards the goals he sets for himself and currently, there is no doubt that he is the most consummate schemer and organizer across the political divide.

At present, he occupies the enviable position of being the only person among his competitors in ODM who has a countrywide network, meticulously built over the years, a machinery he can call on at the snap of the finger to do his bidding.

All that he has been doing in the last few years points to the inevitability of his making a stab at the presidency this year. In fact, he has stated, quite unambiguously, that the race in December will be between himself and Kibaki.

He put together a campaign team more than a year ago whose mandate has been to organize his campaign not just for the ODM nomination but for the big one. There is virtual consensus, even among those close to him, that it is now or never.

To this end, he has used a lot of personal resources and expended a lot energy which has seen him globetrot to seek international endorsement and open campaign offices abroad. It is unlikely that he is doing what he is doing in order to hand over the fruits of his labour to someone else on a silver platter.

However, there is also an acknowledgement among pundits that Raila is also the only one among the pretenders to the throne who is mature enough to be realistic. If, as it is likely, he reaches the inevitable conclusion that he is barking up the wrong tree, the reasoning goes, he will be big enough to accept that the odds are against him and back someone else.

The person most likely to benefit from such political rationalization would be Musalia Mudavadi for two main reasons.

One, Raila probably figures that he is a man who is malleable enough to do his bidding when he ascends to the throne but most importantly, he is the one person whom the rest of the country would not feel unduly threatened by.

Kalonzo:

Kalonzo’s confidence that he will be the man beat issues from opinion polls which have been showing him leading the ODM presidential pack in the last one or two years.

There is, however, a pervasive feeling within ODM that the Mwingi North MP is an unknown quantity. Most importantly and damaging, though, is the perception that he cannot be trusted. It is unclear where the notion that Kalonzo is untrustworthy emanates from because it does not appear to be based on anything tangible.

His undoing, however, appears, appears to be informed by the perception, which is evident even when he talks, that he is arrogant and snooty, a man who walks with his nose in the air. He is also considered either too poor to fund a campaign or tight-fisted.

Kalonzo has repeatedly said that whether he is nominated or not, he is in ODM to stay. Nobody, however, appears to believe him. Sources, one from the Mudavadi camp and the other from the Raila camp, separately told The Leader that they do not consider Kalonzo one of them, whatever else he says, and expect he will decamp and go it alone if he is not the party’s nominee.

Kalonzo, like Raila, has also put together a war council to help him campaign for the nomination. He, however, starts off disadvantaged by his lack of a national network, lack of resources and suspicion form his colleagues.

Uhuru:

Raila once said that ODM needed Uhuru simply for sentimental reasons, whatever those were. Unless he is the party’s nominee which is most unlikely but not impossible, Uhuru’s goose will be cooked and he is unlikely to even defend his parliamentary seat successfully.

Uhuru occupies the unenviable position of having no tribal bargaining chip in a situation where what one brings to the table will influence one’s fortunes. The only saving grace for the son of the founding president would be the adoption of the power sharing formula which the Bomas draft had recommended, essentially a presidium where slots were allocated regionally.

Even then, he would have to be in parliament to be considered and that alone will be an uphill task for him.

Ruto:

Ruto’s attraction to ODM is the prospect that he could bring a huge chunk of voters from the expansive Rift valley province which would influence the presidential election.

He has never been a serious contender for the ticket but his profile has risen in the last two years because of his penchant to defy traditional power barons among the Kalenjins, personified by former President Daniel Arap Moi. In the event that Mudavadi clinches the ODM ticket, Ruto would be well positioned to be an important player in a post-Kibaki dispensation.

The outlawed Mungiki sect is slowly transforming into a Mafia like organization and is believed to be behind the recent spate of crime in some parts of the country, a confidential 24 page police report that is scheduled to be discussed by the cabinet now says.

The report, details a shocking blow by blow account of a Mungiki that is not only running real estate and transport businesses but one that is now boasting of making a number of poor people instant millionaires and preparing to sponsor a number of candidates to parliament in this year’s general elections.

The sect which begun as a religious group has according to analysts transformed into a “Government of sort” sect. They levy taxes, control matatu routes, sell electricity and have their own courts. They are also said to be allotting land and even advancing loans to their members.

The report says that part of the crime wave currently under the spotlight is directly funded by the Mungiki and is intentionally aimed at foreigners, the rich and prominent in the society and police officers.

The report even lists recently fallen Kenya’s most wanted criminal Simon Matheri Ikeere as one of the prominent members of the dreaded cult. “Out of 26 criminals whose photo’s police have circulated over the last six months, 18 are members of Mungiki,” the report says.

So organized is the Mungiki, that the report approximates the net worth of the outlawed sect that the reports brands a mafia organization, is Shs 4.5 billion as of January 15 this year. As a proof of their financial might, the report says the sect is preparing its first budget to be ‘read’ in May this year – a month before this year’s national budget.

Like any other group in organized crime, Mungiki is said to run six armouries, across the country. The headquarters, the report says is in Laikipia and that’s where all the sources of weapons donors allegedly direct their donations.

“The Mungiki Laikipia armoury is large and runs about 15 feet deep, those who steal guns from the police are rewarded with ranks within the organization and are branded heroes,” the report reveals.

Other armouries are in Dandora, Tigoni area, Kayole, Njiru and Kitengela.

“Each armoury exists for a reason; the Tigoni one is a back-up for highway crime, while Kayole and Njiru exist so as to offer refuge to gangsters and those commanding the transport sector.”

“The Kitengela armoury is the main source of weapons and manpower to spread fear and panic, basically it is meant to organize and dispatch assignments,” the report reads.

The sources of weapons for the organization have been directly linked to the beef business where guns are wrapped together with the meat as it makes its way from North-Eastern to the country; other sources include the Oromo Liberation Front in Ethiopia and North Uganda.

In the armouries, the main weapons available are AK 47’s, G3 rifles and bullets. “The ultimate goal, “ reads the report stamped highly confidential, “is to make sure that both the Police Commissioner and the Minister for Internal Security are sacked.

“The attack on foreigners is so as to affect the booming tourism industry and to increase the pressure by foreign missions on Government. Attacks on the rich and the prominent is a strategy to agitate Kenyans and make them also demand for action, while killing of police officers is meant to scare the law enforcers. All these are characteristics of a mafia organization,” the report chillingly reads.

“They have established a clear abroad network and with the laws on money laundering still very weak, they are able to access lots of money through charity like events and others directly from Kenyans with a die hard association with the group, a channel that cannot be stopped, because they educate hundreds of children and even run three credible children’s home,” the report says.

Mungiki, the report further reveals has already adopted a flag that is coloured white, yellow, green, red and black-hues associated with the sect.

Links are also being drawn to an international organization the universal miracle centre whose details of operations are still scanty.

“The resurgence of the sect comes after a failed attempt to revive under the guise of the National Youth Alliance Party,” the report further reads.

The sect’s chairperson, Maina Njenga is still in police custody awaiting charges for leading oathing ceremonies and for handling stolen property. However, police believe that his arrest has not affected the operations of the sect. The law enforcers say they are cracking down on members of the outlawed sect.

Young unemployed people are lured into Mungiki through practical pledges of employment and life changing fortune making assignments, “graduates pass through a rite that involves ingesting human urine and umbilical cords, before undergoing a public baptism, where English (or Christian) names are dropped in favour of indigenous names.”

Elaborate rituals of Mungiki

The report further details how conversion to Mungiki happens, “Initially held at a shrine in Karandi area of Laikipia district, the oathing ceremony is an elaborate process, which begins late in the evening, goes on through the night to end at dawn.” Black sheep and goats are slaughtered and their blood mixed with some mixtures said to made out of wild plant roots.

Other independent sources explained to our reporters that, “traditional Kikuyu beer, Muratina, whose main component is honey is served in plenty as the initiates engage in singing and chanting slogan in praise of their gods and the movement.”

Paraphernalia, which include walking sticks painted in red, green, black and white , gourds and small tobacco containers are passed around to members and a flag in the same colours is normally hosted outside the shrine.

“We are Mungiki and we shall stick together and guard the secrets of our sect. We shall protect one another and remain united under our leaders…” the initiates chant as they sip a bloody concoction that is passed around to everyone present. They also sing traditional songs.

“Roast meat is also passed around to members who take bites in turns after their leaders, and tobacco, in small containers, is passed around for members to sniff,” says a former member who requested anonymity.

The aim of the elaborate ritual is to unify the group. The sole purpose of the oath is to ensure that the initiates abide to the sect’s doctrines of coming together to form a society that respects its people’s cultures and the traditional practices.

As morning comes, the new initiates are “baptized” in the wee hours of the morning at a dam near the shrine. The converts are immersed in the murky waters before passing over a goatskin, which is spread on the ground where the spiritual leader stood. But for those who join the sect even after being coerced, there is no turning back after the oath, our source revealed.

“Anyone who joined the sect would be allowed to know all the secrets including our sources of funds for our operations and other internal matters. This is why some people were killed once they denounced the sect,” says one of the sect’s coordinator in Rift Valley Province. There is no turning back once you are a true Mungiki, he says, adding that no one has ever performed a reverse ritual.

“This explains why those who join us disappear from the public domain once they feel like not continuing to be members,” he explains.

Over the year’s successive governments’ attempts to reign in on the sect have been unsuccessful. Amnesty, threats and even arrests do not seem to deter the sect.

In 2003, breathing fire and brimstone, the then Internal Security Minister Chris Murungaru issued a stern warning to the group saying “we shall trample on them so that they know who is in control.” However, the group went on with its operations undeterred. After assuming the internal security docket, John Michuki issued the same ultimatum, but as the police report indicates, the group has grown in strength and even in numbers.

Analysts say, the police report is nothing new since the findings are ‘common knowledge’.

“However, it would be interesting to see how the government will handle the issue this being an election year,” says one of the analysts adding that “this under world government cannot be extinguished by crackdowns or arrests. There are many underlying issues and those need to be addressed if we are to forever deal with groups of organized crime exhaustively. We have to find out the cause of this deviant behaviour”.

He also contend that the “success” of the group may encourage other less sophisticated groups to learn from them making crime an alternative way of life “so the issue should be dealt with comprehensively and as a matter of urgency.”

Though the police report lays blame squarely on the shoulders of Mungiki, investigations show that more organized groups are coming up. In fact, some of the groups, it is believed, have played a role in the recent spate of violent crime. A new group known as ‘the white bar’ with Somali links is said to be operating mainly from Eastleigh and is dealing in narcotics, money laundering and gun selling business. Others like ‘Sungu Sungu’ have terrorized villagers in Kisii, burning homes, maiming and killing people.

The Dominion Farm Limited, Yala Swamps Development has been under constant severe criticism for the alleged human rights and environmental abuses. But all these claims did not reflect what kind of massive but profitable project on the ground.

These allegations have been leveled by Action Aid, a British government supported or sponsored NGO and the so-called Kenya Land Alliance.

The information which are persistently made to the press has been consistently inaccurate and greatly exaggerated to the detriment of the very communities they are purpoting to defend.

In the year 2003, the Dominion Farm Limited secured approval from both Siaya and Bondo districts to lease 6,000 hectares of the Yala Swamp to develop an irrigation rice project and related crops. This represented only 30 per cent of the total swamp area. The remainder bordering lake Victoria was left untouched. The whole of Yala Swamp is estimated to cover an area of 17,000 hectares.

Before then 85 per cent of the local population of Siaya and Bondo were living below the poverty level.

There was little hope of employment of meaningful livelihood other than poaching in the swamp or fishing the dangerously over-fished water of Lake Victoria. There were inadequate medical and school facilities in the riparian areas.

Thanks goes to the American investor Mr Calvin Burgess from Oklahoma in the US who risked close to shs 2 billion in the Yala swamp major land reclamation project which has now turned the hitherto neglected fertile swamp land but into a bastion of food crops.

Before the DFL came into the picture, infrastructure was very poor, no proper roads and this had handicapped any small commercial enterprises and poor drinking water supply. Due to the desperate poverty in the area, there existed a chronic sense of insecurity which in turn led to suspicion and poor relations between communities.

But since April 2003 when DFL became operational, the percentage of the population living below the poverty line has dropped tremendously to 65 per cent. This is by no means a small achievement and it is due entirely to the job opportunities made available not only to employees of DFL but also service supplies to the company.

DFL employs over 1200 people from the area including skilled and casual labour. The company has rehabilitated five schools and two medical dispensaries as part of ongoing community development programme.

DFL resident country director Mr. Grahame Vetch was recently involved in free distribution of mosquito nets to close to 3000 families living on the Aduwa side of the river in Bondo district. All the rest which were distributed to the families free of charge were treated with anti mosquito drugs.

Having in mind that both Siaya and Bondo districts are malaria prone regions, DFL has embarked in planting of Artemisia plants to reduce the scourge of malarial death which is seen to have heavy impact in the region.

The seriousness of the scheme to reduce malarial deaths could be seen in the newly launched DFL honey production scheme. It is now producing herbal and natural honey from the Yala Group of the Lake Victoria Basin. The bees forage on the Yala plantations of Artemisia annual and anti malarial herbal plant and the sunflower which gives the honey produce on the farm a distinct golden look.

The prime harvest of DFL honey contains no additives and is suitable for use in its natural form. The DFL good quality honey which is naturally organized under cool storage can easily revert to its liquid form by increase in warmth. It is high in demand in supermarket stores all over Western Kenya.

The project is yet to reach its peak, but DFL has also envisaged creating a large select of overgrown farmers who will support the out growers with support like providing them with mechanically prepared beehives.

During her heydays she hopped from one corner of the country to the other attending political and fund raising meetings, always accompanied by a sizeable entourage and the press in the tow, as she was a news maker. She became a philanthropist of sorts, and was at the helm in delivering relief food and other goodies in case of disasters.

Limuru Member of Parliament and his predecessor were once made to record statements at CID headquarters after they referred to her during a public rally in Limuru as "Wambui wa Munene". She used to enjoy acres of space in our dailies and was a daily menu on television but this is no more today as she hardly appears anywhere.

This is none other than Mary Wambui or Nyeri Narc Activist as she prefers to call herself. Before Narc came to power she was popularly known in her Nyeri home district as "Wambui wa Kanu".

Before multiparty politics gained foot in Kenya she was a small time operative, employed at the Nyeri Kanu Office starting as a cleaner later becoming a secretary. Before befriending the party's office caretaker and becoming his lover. In the process she brushed shoulders with powerful political individuals from Nyeri and later started a cordial relationship with one of them, which resulted in the caretaker sending a message to retired President Moi that a powerful politician wanted to steal his wife, and as they say the rest became history. Her lover cum caretaker died a poor man a few years ago and she did not even attend his funeral.

But what went wrong along the line which has made Wambui disappear from the public eye. For starters Kenyans came to know about her after the press started referring to her as the second First Lady, this came after Narc ascended to power. Her history was dug up and a leading daily went as far as giving her front page coverage in its Sunday edition.

However a few days after the first sensational story, state house issued a statement distancing her from the first family. She however continued to enjoy all the trappings associated with power, but also misused them. She took advantage of the then power barons whom she was close to and installed herself as a power broker.

Many were Kenyans from all walks of life who tried to get an appointment with her hoping she would connect them with state house. She became the Hosea Kiplagat and Barngetuny of the Moi Error, as you may put it Zipporah Kittony. The self styled Narc Activist visit to any corner of Kenya used to attract pressmen in droves hoping to get a story.

Along the line she trodded on the wrong toes and like proverbial Simon Makonde her time was up. Watching from the sidelines were other individuals who had access to the corridors of power and who were duly planning how to finish her and weaken her power base. What she had not reckoned with is that there are seasoned political operatives who were not happy with all the attention she was receiving, and the fact that they were detrimental to the incumbent president re-election as she was using his name.

Thus a decision was made lets finish this woman once and for all, and her connection to state house cut and word was put on the rumour mills thus her popularity demise began.

We can authoritatively report today that during the days she had access to state house, Wambui managed to mint millions of shillings and this was the reason she could manage to attend numerous fund raisings all over the country. This was also due to her good rapport with the presidential special adviser PS Stanley Murage.

However things seem to have gone wary and the easy access she had then is no longer there. According to highly placed sources Wambui used her connections in state house to get millions from Asian businessmen under the pretext that she would introduce them to the corridors of power. When Narc took over many Asian businessmen who had been doing business with Kanu operatives found themselves in a quagmire, and thus started looking for a link to state house and she became hardy, and also exploited the potential to her self best.

According to the source the late cowboy contractor Sunil Behal who was under fire in the early stages of the Narc administration was among the many Asians who approached her for help, but obviously parting with something. Sunil also went further and introduced her to the Mittal family of India. (The Mittals are among the richest people in the world). According to the source the son parted with Shs 25,000,000 on the understanding that Wambui would help them set up business in Kenya.

Those who were close to her then also took advantage of her status and started extorting money from businessmen under the guise of making it possible for them to meet her. All this happened when Dr Chris Murungaru was in charge of Internal Security.

Things for Wambui we can say changed immediately after the referendum campaigns and the Anglo Leasing saga. The state house equation changed and out went her backers thus reducing her access, the killer punch was the Artur Brother's saga.

The Armenians who took Kenya by the storm and even claimed that they were connected to the Armenian royal family were deported after a night saga at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. However their relation with the Nyeri Narc Activist came into the light after it emerged that her daughter Winnie was a director of a company linked to the two brothers, one of them who went and told all and sundry of how he loved Winnie.

According to another source it is through her and a former CID boss that the brothers enjoyed and broke Kenyan laws with impunity. She was a frequent visitor at their Runda home, and the grapevine was already abuzz that her and one of the Arturs were going to wed but this never came to be.

Back to Wambui and her day in power, she established connections with many businessmen of questionable integrity who managed to get away owing it to their closeness with her. She was even being touted as the next MP of Othaya South if new constituencies had been established.

It is however many of her projects in the president's constituency that will continue to haunt her. The Micro Finance project dubbed Ukweli National Youth Development Programme (UNYDP) however became a cropper and many people lost their money.

Members were required to register with a non refundable fee of Shs 2,200 and then submit a monthly contribution of Shs 200 each. It was to take four weeks before an application loan could be approved. Wambui herself launched the programme and issued cheques to thirty members which were later rejected by the bank despite the fact that the programme mebers asserted there was close to s.8 million shs in their account.

Efforts by all the contributors have gone to naught and the programme managers are playing a cat and mouse game with the members in Othaya town.

When the likes of Murungaru and Alfred Gitonga (former president PA) were fired, Wambui's connections started withering, and her financial backers started running away from her as she had nothing to offer.

The change of guard within the corridors of power also affected her trend; the same can be said of her backer Murage. The old guard who surround the president according to sources decided to cut her down to size and as Murage has no influence these days there was nothing he could do.

Wambui who according to sources is planning to run for the Nyeri town seat where she has a home come the general elections has now humbled himself and does not travel with the fan fair that used to accompany her. She has also limited her presence at fundraisers. For the press no comments please.

Contrary to widespread perception that President Mwai Kibaki is all set to defend his seat, emerging facts indicate that the man once described as the gentleman of Kenya's turbulent politic is no longer that keen on defending his position despite oozing confidence a month ago.

According to a close ally of the president who confided to a friend, those around the president are having to push a 'reluctant' Kibaki to defend his seat. A clearly dispirited president is said to be greatly disenchanted by the latest development in Narc-K which is now bedeviled by in-fighting between aspirants eyeing national seats in the party.

There has even been talk amongst some people in the corridors of power suggesting that the president might decide to remain in DP which he sees as more united, solid and peaceful house when compared to the chaotic party that has become Narc-K. With a fallout in Narc-K now imminent, the president's advisers have reportedly told him to assume a wait and see approach to gauge which way the wind blows and then make a decision informed by the strength he would have in either party.

Their fear is that should the president declare that he is in Narc-k and then the party goes on to disintegrate as they now fear, then the president could find himself 'frying in his own fat' as the popular saying goes constantly echoed by Moi, Kibaki's predecessor.

Ironically, it is the assumption by those fighting for seats in Narc-K that the president is going to finally settle in Narc-K that is intensifying the enmity between them as they set their eyes on the huge campaign money that they believe will be poured once the money taps are unscrewed later this year.

More ironical, it is this same reason that is now making the president want to disassociate himself from Narc-K as he reportedly fears that it might come out of the much awaited talks much worse for the wear and at the end of it there might only be smithereens to hold unto.

That there is trouble in the president's widely preferred unofficial party is no longer a secret. Only last week, its forthcoming elections were postponed for what the party functionaries said was to give its members time to strengthen its structures ostensibly so that it comes out of the polls more united. Those in the know however say that the real reason the party pushed its polls is because of a fear that it is not yet ready to swallow the bitter pill of democracy as things stand now.

To postpone the party elections however is seen as simply a postponement of a problem according to another wing in Narc-K that argues that it is better to swallow the pill now than wait any longer. Those of this school of thought say that if there is any fallout now, it will give the party time to heal and thus prepare for the national polls on a surer footing rather than wait until later when any fall-out might not give it time to recover in time for the general elections.

Another factor said to be working against Narc-K much to the discomfort of the president is the chilly relationship between aspirants and MPs who are now in a state of virtual war with the aspirants accusing the MPs of seeking to monopolize the party with a view of capitalizing on their status.

Only last week, there was chaos in Kipipiri when a meeting called by the area MP Amos Kimunya to select party poll coordinators sawa a walk out led by aspirant Mwangi Githiomi who is a former MP. Githiomi accused Kimunya of hand-picking his henchmen to manage Narc-K affairs in the constituency and vowed never to play ball.

On the other hand, Kimunya accused Githiomi of bringing his supporters to fill up the posts. Given that such accusations and counter accusations are the order of the day in all constituencies across the country, there is now real fear that Narc-K will split down the middle.

As if this was not enough, the race for the party national posts have also seen friends turn foes as they realize that they are eyeing the same offices. First to cry foul was assistant minister Danson Mungatana who publicly accused his coast province counterpart Chirau Ali Mwakwere of betraying him and going for the seat of secretary general. According to Mungatana, Mwakwere had assured him of his support for the seat but was shocked the next day to hear Mwakwere declare that he would also vie for the seat.

But the post that has sent the most sparks is that of party chairman that has seen two cabinet ministers say unsavoury things about each other with trade minister Mukhisa Kituyi dismissing his cabinet colleague Prof. George Saitoti of being unfit to become leader of the party purportedly because he has too much baggage hanging from his neck. On his part Saitoti said he would not be deterred from his quest to head the party.

What is worrying the president most however is the fact that a reconciliation team has reportedly failed to bring peace in Narc-K. The team is said to be working on lines similar to those now being used by ODM in its bid to bring together its leading luminaries.

Because going for Narc-K top seats through the ballot is proving to be too divisive, another school of thought in the party has it, they could try the consensus way. But with the seeming mindsets in Narc-k, it is yet to be seen how successful they will be towards that end.

The fact that Kibaki is in a tight political corner is demonstrated by the fact that he has now sent emissaries to bring back on board minister Musikari Kombo and an influential woman minister from Ukambani. The meeting has been called by Alex Mureithi and Noah Wekesa in Naro Moru and will be attended by representatives of political parties in the government of national unity.

It is understood that the meeting is aimed at wooing the two ministers back to the fold and part of the deal will be promising the two plum posts in the next government. After the Naro Moru meeting, another one is planned for Mombasa which will bring together all parties interested in joining the government.

What prompted Kibaki to reach out to Kombo and the lady minister, those in the know say, is developments in ODM.

The seeming thawing relations between ODM foes Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga, it is said, are lately giving the increasingly alarmed president sleepless nights. Only a few weeks ago, the president had been made to believe that ODM luminaries would not be on talking terms by this February.

However, with the latest developments in ODM showing the unity is likely to hold for quite a while has already sent cold shivers down the spine of Narc-K strategists who had counted on a fallout between ODM leading lights to hand them advantage. Raila was recently quoted bragging that those waiting for ODM to break "will have to wait till Jesus returns."

But now with Kalonzo and Raila vowing to work together and sending mixed signals on the issue of coming up with one candidate to face Kibaki, there is growing anxiety in Narc-K that ODM might after all present one candidate to face the president, something that leaves many in Narc-K scared stiff.

As if this was not enough, there is now another war front opening in Kibaki's core support block in Rift Valley where assistant minister Koigi Wamwere and his Molo constituency counterpart Macharia Mukiri threatened to campaign against the government for what they said is the government's indifference towards people of Central province ancestry in Rift Valley.

The two MPs' concerns however are said to be out of the fear that there are aspirants in their constituencies with the backing of state house out to spoil the show for them.

Kibaki, it appears may have to wait for a while in characteristic fence-sitting before deciding on his party of choice as developments continues to hold until polling day then matters are bound to get very tight indeed. There are those who argue that if ODM finally manages to front one candidate, chances are that Kibaki and his inner core may as well begin packing to leave state house considering what happened in the November 2005 referendum.

It will be the first time a Kenyan president serves for one term, unprecedented indeed, considering Moi, the immediate predecessor served a whooping 24 years. The founding father Mzee Jomo Kenyatta died in office August 1978 having served un-interrupted for 15 years since independence in 1963.

Contrary to widespread perception that President Mwai Kibaki is all set to defend his seat, emerging facts indicate that the man once described as the gentleman of Kenya's turbulent politic is no longer that keen on defending his position despite oozing confidence a month ago.

According to a close ally of the president who confided to a friend, those around the president are having to push a 'reluctant' Kibaki to defend his seat. A clearly dispirited president is said to be greatly disenchanted by the latest development in Narc-K which is now bedeviled by in-fighting between aspirants eyeing national seats in the party.

There has even been talk amongst some people in the corridors of power suggesting that the president might decide to remain in DP which he sees as more united, solid and peaceful house when compared to the chaotic party that has become Narc-K. With a fallout in Narc-K now imminent, the president's advisers have reportedly told him to assume a wait and see approach to gauge which way the wind blows and then make a decision informed by the strength he would have in either party.

Their fear is that should the president declare that he is in Narc-k and then the party goes on to disintegrate as they now fear, then the president could find himself 'frying in his own fat' as the popular saying goes constantly echoed by Moi, Kibaki's predecessor.

Ironically, it is the assumption by those fighting for seats in Narc-K that the president is going to finally settle in Narc-K that is intensifying the enmity between them as they set their eyes on the huge campaign money that they believe will be poured once the money taps are unscrewed later this year.

More ironical, it is this same reason that is now making the president want to disassociate himself from Narc-K as he reportedly fears that it might come out of the much awaited talks much worse for the wear and at the end of it there might only be smithereens to hold unto.

That there is trouble in the president's widely preferred unofficial party is no longer a secret. Only last week, its forthcoming elections were postponed for what the party functionaries said was to give its members time to strengthen its structures ostensibly so that it comes out of the polls more united. Those in the know however say that the real reason the party pushed its polls is because of a fear that it is not yet ready to swallow the bitter pill of democracy as things stand now.

To postpone the party elections however is seen as simply a postponement of a problem according to another wing in Narc-K that argues that it is better to swallow the pill now than wait any longer. Those of this school of thought say that if there is any fallout now, it will give the party time to heal and thus prepare for the national polls on a surer footing rather than wait until later when any fall-out might not give it time to recover in time for the general elections.

Another factor said to be working against Narc-K much to the discomfort of the president is the chilly relationship between aspirants and MPs who are now in a state of virtual war with the aspirants accusing the MPs of seeking to monopolize the party with a view of capitalizing on their status.

Only last week, there was chaos in Kipipiri when a meeting called by the area MP Amos Kimunya to select party poll coordinators sawa a walk out led by aspirant Mwangi Githiomi who is a former MP. Githiomi accused Kimunya of hand-picking his henchmen to manage Narc-K affairs in the constituency and vowed never to play ball.

On the other hand, Kimunya accused Githiomi of bringing his supporters to fill up the posts. Given that such accusations and counter accusations are the order of the day in all constituencies across the country, there is now real fear that Narc-K will split down the middle.

As if this was not enough, the race for the party national posts have also seen friends turn foes as they realize that they are eyeing the same offices. First to cry foul was assistant minister Danson Mungatana who publicly accused his coast province counterpart Chirau Ali Mwakwere of betraying him and going for the seat of secretary general. According to Mungatana, Mwakwere had assured him of his support for the seat but was shocked the next day to hear Mwakwere declare that he would also vie for the seat.

But the post that has sent the most sparks is that of party chairman that has seen two cabinet ministers say unsavoury things about each other with trade minister Mukhisa Kituyi dismissing his cabinet colleague Prof. George Saitoti of being unfit to become leader of the party purportedly because he has too much baggage hanging from his neck. On his part Saitoti said he would not be deterred from his quest to head the party.

What is worrying the president most however is the fact that a reconciliation team has reportedly failed to bring peace in Narc-K. The team is said to be working on lines similar to those now being used by ODM in its bid to bring together its leading luminaries.

Because going for Narc-K top seats through the ballot is proving to be too divisive, another school of thought in the party has it, they could try the consensus way. But with the seeming mindsets in Narc-k, it is yet to be seen how successful they will be towards that end.

The fact that Kibaki is in a tight political corner is demonstrated by the fact that he has now sent emissaries to bring back on board minister Musikari Kombo and an influential woman minister from Ukambani. The meeting has been called by Alex Mureithi and Noah Wekesa in Naro Moru and will be attended by representatives of political parties in the government of national unity.

It is understood that the meeting is aimed at wooing the two ministers back to the fold and part of the deal will be promising the two plum posts in the next government. After the Naro Moru meeting, another one is planned for Mombasa which will bring together all parties interested in joining the government.

What prompted Kibaki to reach out to Kombo and the lady minister, those in the know say, is developments in ODM.

The seeming thawing relations between ODM foes Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga, it is said, are lately giving the increasingly alarmed president sleepless nights. Only a few weeks ago, the president had been made to believe that ODM luminaries would not be on talking terms by this February.

However, with the latest developments in ODM showing the unity is likely to hold for quite a while has already sent cold shivers down the spine of Narc-K strategists who had counted on a fallout between ODM leading lights to hand them advantage. Raila was recently quoted bragging that those waiting for ODM to break "will have to wait till Jesus returns."

But now with Kalonzo and Raila vowing to work together and sending mixed signals on the issue of coming up with one candidate to face Kibaki, there is growing anxiety in Narc-K that ODM might after all present one candidate to face the president, something that leaves many in Narc-K scared stiff.

As if this was not enough, there is now another war front opening in Kibaki's core support block in Rift Valley where assistant minister Koigi Wamwere and his Molo constituency counterpart Macharia Mukiri threatened to campaign against the government for what they said is the government's indifference towards people of Central province ancestry in Rift Valley.

The two MPs' concerns however are said to be out of the fear that there are aspirants in their constituencies with the backing of state house out to spoil the show for them.

Kibaki, it appears may have to wait for a while in characteristic fence-sitting before deciding on his party of choice as developments continues to hold until polling day then matters are bound to get very tight indeed. There are those who argue that if ODM finally manages to front one candidate, chances are that Kibaki and his inner core may as well begin packing to leave state house considering what happened in the November 2005 referendum.

It will be the first time a Kenyan president serves for one term, unprecedented indeed, considering Moi, the immediate predecessor served a whooping 24 years. The founding father Mzee Jomo Kenyatta died in office August 1978 having served un-interrupted for 15 years since independence in 1963.

In a dramatic turn of events, Raila Odinga has decided to ditch Luo MPs in an effort to discard the tribal tag that his opponents have been using against him.

Last weekend, most Luo MPs were snubbed by Raila and they did not attend a high level fund raising dinner for the Orange Democratic Movement. Insiders indicated that Raila decided to ditch his foot soldiers after being accused of being a tribal chieftain as opposed to being the nationalist that he wants Kenyans to believe he is.

 Unlike in the past, most Luo MPs have been avoiding Raila's meetings after he openly told them that he was not interested in having court jesters from only one tribe. Raila appeared to be following the advice of Luo Council of Elders chairmen Ker Riaga Ogallo, who has expressed concerns that some Luo MPs are more of a liability than an asset to the ODM presidential hopeful.

Raila wants to create the image of a nationalist in order to impress Kenyans that he is presidential material ahead of the General elections, which are expected in December this year.

"We want to show Kenyans that Raila is an all-inclusive leader and not a Luo chieftain," said Mzee Ogalo.

According to the Ker (elder), many Nyanza MPs have been relying on Raila not only in monetary terms but also for political patronage which the LDP leader feels has been pushed a bit too far. The likes of Otieno Kajwang and company have been milking Raila for all he is worth and he has discovered that they are a burden in his mission to become president of the country, our sources say.

"They know that without Raila's blessing, the will not even make it to parliament," says one Nyanza MP. " He is now tired of marketing other people and he wants to market himself."

In his quest to be president, Raila has changed political tact and is out to endear himself among all Kenyans. Raila is marketing himself as a non-vengeful, non-tribal and just leader, and he does not want to carry the burden of marketing MPs in his homeland.

The MPs are not happy with the manner in which Raila has been hobnobbing with parliamentary aspirants from Nyanza, our sources indicate. Many Nyanza MPs face an uphill task to retaining their seats in the coming parliament as they have been accused of not performing. Luos have expressed discomfort with the region's current leadership and most MPs from the area are not expected to make it to the next parliament.

"The people do not want them, they are tired of supporting fellows whose only claim to fame is being Raila's supporters," says one MP from the region.

Raila has the same feelings too, and he is not hiding them from the said MPs. He has told them to do their marketing for themselves and his desire for the best candidate to win in parliamentary elections has not endeared him to them.

Contrary to beliefs that Luo MPs have been financing Raila to win parliamentary seats, investigations reveal that even those who were allegedly rigged in by Odinga during the 2002 elections are the same people who depend on him for transport, food and accommodation whenever they attend a function which has proved expensive for Odinga.

They would want, of course, that Raila declares them "tosha" as this will mean that they will sail into parliament smoothly. But Raila is having none of it. He is trying to project himself as a national leader just like Mwai Kibaki, who has given little favour to his Central province and Nyeri backyards.

According to impeccable sources, Raila has put up a campaign team made up of professionals, clergy, businessmen and parliamentary aspirants to coordinate his campaigns in Luo Nyanza and to fundraise for his presidential bid.

Those who have been closely monitoring Raila's political moves must have noticed that whenever he addresses a rally out of Luo Nyanza, he tries to avoid Luo MPs in his company but prefers to be accompanied by youthful and brilliant aspirants.

At long last Bishop Margaret Wanjiru has made it clear she will contest for the Starehe parliamentary seat on an ODM-K ticket putting to rest speculation doing the rounds that she may have quit from the race to avoid a stand-off over her stalled wedding to a South African preacher.

Her alleged quitting stemmed from the much publicized stalled wedding to South African preacher Rev. Samuel Matjeke, following a court order prompted by a suit filed by the Gachie-born cobbler cum potter James Kamangu.

The suit has put the otherwise popular bishop of the Jesus Is Alive Ministries (JIAM) in sharp focus with Kamangu playing a spoiler role of dragging the cleric into the mud. The public apparently became hostile to the way she handled the whole marriage saga.

Wanjiru's announcement to plunge into politics on an ODM-K ticket appears to have sent alarm bells ringing among the government strategists who we have learnt are out to redesign their tactics on how to cope with the flamboyant bishop who could well trounce one of president Kibaki's key pillars in the city of Nairobi, cabinet minister Maina Kamanda.

In the on-going suit, the state it is claimed is the one that prodded Kamangu to file the suit demanding to be recognized as the biological father of Wanjiru's two sons; Stephen Ndimu and Evans Kariuki. Kamangu had revealed that Wanjiru was his customary law wife between 1978-1979/1980.

Earlier on Kamangu had indicated that he would pursue the matter in court for the truth had been laid bare with documents obtained at the Pumwani maternity hospital which showed that Wanjiru's other names bore the name Kamangu as husband while the children names also bore the same name, Kamangu plus that of the couple's parents.  Ndimu is Kamangu's paternal father while Kariuki is Wanjiru's father.

Minister Kamanda instructed the hospital administration to issue certificates to Kamangu.The prodding thus made Kamangu to change his mind to go to court where his prayers to have the wedding stopped were granted in the first round of the case. The much publicized wedding was to be in February 10 2007.

Come the second round, Kamangu still won the second round of the case that barred Wanjiru's lawyer Fred Ojiambo not to cross examine Kamangu.

Kamangu's lawyer C.N. Kihara argued that the prayers were laced with malice and vendetta. Surprisingly, Kamangu's personality from the previous one of a run-down, luckless man who has seen better days is changing for the better with each day that passes. He was even accompanied by a bodyguard who conspicuously could be pointed out mingling with Kamangu's relative from the court chambers. Of note again Kamangu equally has a prominent lawyer in the name of C.N. Kihara.

Besides the brief case, Kamangu is now able to put on a tie. It is even said that he has been promised by the state of a ready market to sell off his pots without a hustle.

The whole plot is to disorganize Wanjiru ahead of a the polls so that she is viewed as a person who has no respect for family values(sic) as she has destroyed an important social fabric in the name of marriage.

But defending her on the day that she joined ODM-K via the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) the party's de facto leader Raila Odinga noted that all that was being witnessed was just but 'propaganda' meant to smear the bishop.

Cognizance of the smear ahead and taking Kalonzo Musyoka's caution seriously on what politics is made of (read dirty game) the tough talking bishop said even if her opponents used all sorts of dirty politics, she was determined to win the Starehe seat.

Sinc the saga started, Kamanda enjoys state house links has used over shs. 2.5 million. The seat has also attracted the attention of Nairobi Stock exchange boss Jimnah Mbaru who has however not come out forcefully.

 

Political dynasties have become a fairly permanent feature in Kenyan politics and this year’s election is not without its long list of members of the same family seeking electoral office.

Top in the list is the Moi family where three siblings will be seeking seats in the Tenth parliament. They are the incumbent Baringo Central MP, Mr. Gideon Moi, and elder brothers Jonathan and Raymond.

Gideon will be defending his seat on a yet to be decided political party. Gideon went to parliament on a Kanu ticket in the last election, taking over from his father, retired President Moi, who had been the area MP since independence. At the time, the Moi family was hell bent to have Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta succeed President Moi on a Kanu ticket.

A lot of water has since passed under the bridge. Uhuru has abandoned Kanu in all but name to join the new outfit, the Orange Democratic Party (ODM) and is determined to have a second go at the presidency on the new party’s ticket.

The Moi family, on the other hand, has not been very keen; in fact has been quite hostile to ODM. The senior Moi, indeed, has not wasted any opportunity to castigate the new outfit and has been urging his supporters to keep faith with Kanu. Gideon, like his father, feels that any move to dissolve Kanu or subordinate it to any other party is simply unacceptable.

Gideon’s other sibling, Raymond, has declared his interest in the Rongai parliamentary seat in Nakuru district but he, too, is yet to decide on which party. The Rongai seat is currently held by Mrs. Alicen Chelaite, who made it on a Narc ticket and is an assistant minister in the Kibaki government. Interestingly, Chelaite is the one who brought up the Moi siblings when she worked as a house help for the then Vice President Moi in the seventies.

The oldest of the Moi boys, Jonathan, unlike his siblings, has already settled on Narc-Kenya as the vehicle through which he will attempt to unseat Eldama ravine MP Musa Sirma.

Jonathan actually has a head start, having been the favourite candidate in 2002 election, only to be prevailed upon not to contest by his father. At the time, Moi threw his weight behind Sirma who clinched the seat with ease. The balance has since tilted in favour of Jonathan after Sirma “defected” to ODM to the chagrin of the elder Moi. The former president is reportedly sponsoring candidates in all constituencies where sitting MPs have gone ODM-Kenya.

Other members of the extended Moi family in this year’s race include Jim Choge, a son-in-law, who will be defending his Aldai seat, and Gen. (rtd) Augustine Cheruiyot, also related to Moi by marriage, who will be vying for a parliamentary seat in Nandi.

The Kenyattas too, will be in this years’ race in a big way. Uhuru will vie for the presidency again and is hedging his bet on mustering the largest number of delegates should the contest be determined by the delegates’ vote.

But even as Uhuru prepares to make another stab at the presidency, he faces a major hurdle at the constituency level where his first cousin, Mr. Ngengi Muigai, is going for his political jugular. Ngengi, a one-time MP for the larger Gatundu constituency, has what it takes to unseat Uhuru in the Gatundu South seat. Besides his personal good chemistry with the electorate, Ngengi could also capitalize on the propaganda that Uhuru is being used by “outsiders” to fight President Kibaki in his Mount Kenya backyard. That was the line played to ensure Orange vote lost in Uhuru’s constituency despite winning with a landslide countrywide. Indeed, Ngengi is well positioned to politically embarrass Uhuru at home, whatever good intentions the rest of the country may have for the son of the late president.

Away from Gatundu, Ngengi’s sister, Mrs. Beth Mugo, will be seeking to retain her Dagoretti where she is sitting rather pretty. She was among the founders of Narc-Kenya and has served as one of the party’s rotational chairpersons.

President Kibaki’s relatives will also be featuring in this election. Ms. Mary Wambui, who has been linked to the president under controversial circumstances, is said to be eyeing the Nyeri Town seat, currently held by Mr. Peter Gichohi Mureithi.

Another Kibaki link in this year’s elections is Alex Kibaki Mureithi’s younger brother, John, who is eyeing laikia west seat at present held by Mr. G.G. Kariuki. Alex is busy behind the scenes networking and fund-raising for Kibaki’s re-election.

The Odinga family’s icon is Raila, whose sights are firmly trained on the presidency. His wife Ida, a seasoned political activist in her own right, si said to be planning a debut into electoral politics by contesting the Rarieda parliamentary seat. The seat is currently held by cabinet minister Raphael Tuju, who is widely regarded as having committed political suicide by openly taking on the Odingas in Luo Nyanza.

Raila’s elder brother, Oburu, will be defending his Bondo seat. So will another half a dozen MPs in Luo Nyanza who are related to the Odingas in one way or the other.

And of course, the Nyagah family is at it again with the elder son Joseph going all out to keep his Gachoka seat as well as try a shot at the presidency under the banner of some ambiguous outfit called the Green African Party. Younger brother Norman will be desperately hanging on to his Kamukunji seat in the face of a determined onslaught fuelled by alleged mishandling of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) kitty.

A crucial meeting to lay the groundwork for President Kibaki’s re-election plan takes place at Naro Moru River Lodge in Nanyuki next Wednesday, we can disclose today. Attending the meeting will be representatives of political parties still affiliated to the ruling coalition Narc. The co-conveners of the meeting are cabinet minister Dr. Noah Wekesa and Narc director of elections, Mr. Alex Mureithi.

Mureithi’s prominent role at the meeting is significant in that he is perceived to hold direct brief for his uncle, president Kibaki. Invited to the meeting are five representatives from each of 13 political parties still in the Narc coalition. They include Charity Ngilu’s National Party of Kenya and Musikari Kombo’s Ford Kenya. Both Ngilu and Kombo will be in attendance, our sources have confirmed.

We have gathered that the Naro Moru meeting will be followed by another retreat in Mombasa where other parties interested in coalescing under Narc umbrella, or at least in supporting Kibaki’s candidacy in the presidential poll later in the year, will be invited.

In this category falls Narc-Kenya, which has insisted on fronting Kibaki for presidency, and Simeon Nyachae’s Ford People, which though not explicitly interested in a Narc affiliation, has declared it will support Kibaki’s re-election bid.

Insider information made available to us is that State House strategists have finally agreed that Kibaki seeks re-election on a Narc ticket, but that as many political parties be encouraged to identify with his candidacy even while remaining in their respective political parties.

The plan, disclose insiders, is to have just Kibaki and his running mate as joint Narc candidates but all other candidates, parliamentary and civic, be directly sponsored by their respective political parties.

A source involved in arrangements for the Naro Moru meeting told us that the plan is to revive the spirit of coalition building that gave birth to the original Narc.

Said he: “The last election taught us that coalitions will be the winning formula now and in the foreseeable future. And what a better way to keep the lesson than to make sure the original Narc remains alive?”

The source went on: “We want as many parties to own Kibaki as their candidate but at the same time avoid the acrimonious route of asking anybody to abandon their political parties.”

Sources disclosed to us that initially, it was proposed that Kibaki be the only candidate with direct Narc sponsorship. Ngilu, however, insisted on being Kibaki’s running mate and also coming on board on a direct Narc nomination.

Ngilu, say sources, is positioning herself as Kibaki’s running mate, an idea now gaining currency at state house, a prospect that is seen as being able to neutralize Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka in Ukambani.

Only last week, at least three different political groupings endorsed Kibaki as their presidential candidate even as they expressed contempt for one another.

Mid last week, cabinet minister Joseph Munyao told a press conference that anybody interested to know where Kibaki is politically, can do a search at the office of the registrar-general where records indicate he is still chairman of the Democratic Party (DP).

He insisted that the DP has never been dissolved and that it will be fielding Kibaki as its presidential candidate in this year’s election.

Come the weekend, a Narc-Kenya founder member, assistant minister Mwangi Kiunjuri, told an audience in Namanga in the presence of President Kibaki that the president was firmly in Narc-Kenya.

Said Kiunjuri: “Many have been asking which party ticket President Kibaki will be using to seek re-election. I’ll say it right here and in the presence of the president. It is the political party of (George) Saitoti, (Kiraitu) Murungi and Kiunjuri who are here with the president today!”

Typical of Kibaki, he did not utter a word in affirmation or otherwise, but instead told politicians not to engage in early campaigns as the election “was still very far away in December”.

On the same day, Narc-Kenya claimed “ownership” of Kibaki at Namanga, Simeon Nyachae and a host of Ford People MPs told a crowd in Nyamira that Kibaki was their presidential candidate but declared they would remain in Ford People.

They described Narc, Narc-Kenya and the ODM as “houses of chaos”, claiming that Ford People was the only remaining cohesive political outfit in the country.

The new development comes at a time when Narc-Kenya has boxed itself into a corner, thanks to bitter leadership rivalry.

When Narc Kenya was formed, it attracted immense attention because the people who gravitated towards it were seen as close Kibaki associates and the assumption until now has been that it is the party the president would use to seek re-election.

That was until cabinet minister George Saitoti declared last week that he would be vying for the party’s chairmanship and the party’s internal problems exploded into the open.

Previously, cabinet ministers, Mukhisa Kituyi, the acting chair, as well as Kipruto Kirwa and Kivutha Kibwana, had expressed interest in the same as had Laikipia West MP, G.G. Kariuki.

Where it would have appeared normal electoral victory with the other contenders, the introduction of the Saitoti factor has complicated things, which explains Kituyi’s response to the new development. In what appeared like an extreme over-reaction, Kituyi was quick on the trigger with accusations that Saitoti was a throwback from a discredited era, and was making an attempt at recreating himself through Narc-Kenya.

He rationalized that Narc-Kenya, as a party that represented a new thinking, and a bridge between a new Kenya and the outgoing generation of Mwai Kibaki. Saitoti could never belong.

Kituyi has since admitted there is a major split in the cabinet, pitting his camp against Saitoti’s.

Insiders say Kituyi has the support of the Narc-Kenya wing eager to see the party shed the Mount-Kenya tag and make an ubiquitous presence across the country.

Sharing this view are, among others, the “Young Turks” in the cabinet, Martha Karua, Amos Kimunya, Mutua Katuku and Danson Mungatana.

Saitoti, on the other hand, is seen as the candidate of the ossified conservatives, some say retrogressive forces in the Kibaki government, many of whom were inherited from the Moi era, some going as far back as the Kenyatta era.

In this category is the traditional Gema wing of John Michuki and Njenga Karume. There is also the traditional DP crowd of Kiraitu Murungi and David Mwiraria. Like Saitoti, the latter duo has the dubious distinction of having been mentioned in allegations involving massive corruption.