Interesting times these are.

Circus 1

Njenga Karume, the former defence minister and former MP for Kiambaa held a press briefing where he decried the government for harassment of the Mungiki sect members. Njenga and a group calling itself the Kikuyu Council of Elders called on the government to release Maina Njenga on bail so that he can organise to meet Prime Minister Raila Odinga as the prime minister had requested. He was accompanied by several former Mt Kenya legislators who included Joseph Kamotho.

Circus 2

In other news, former VP Moody Awori has declined to chair the committee appointed by current VP Kalonzo Musyoka to look into the grievances raised by striking prison warders, Awori said that there is no need of wasting time since all the issues raised are contained in a recommendation report that he drafted when he was VP and Minister for Home Affairs. He wondered why the government has taken so long to implement the recommendations.

Today, the President and Prime Minister visited Eldoret Show ground which is hosting many IDPs displaced during ODM's mass action in January and December. They later held a public rally at Kipchoge Keino stadium.

Kibaki and Raila face the challenge of making sure that no Kenyan is a refugee in Kenya. Many of the IDP camps are located in the Rift Valley. A number of Rift Valley MPs are opposed to the resettlement programme proposed by the government echoing what their constituents are saying. Several South Rift MPs have come out to strongly oppose resettlement a view that is seen in some quarters as an attempt to use IDPs as a pawn in their political game after being denied cabinet positions.

Human rights were violated in the Rift Valley with indiscriminate killing of Kikuyus and destruction of their property supposedly for voting for the current president. There have been claims of historic land injustices in the Rift Valley that the Kalenjin community want addressed before any resettlement. There is pressure for the government to settle the IDPs in Central province where they came from before they bought land in the Rift Valley. Large tracts of land owned by the Kenyatta family are the target of such settlement. In a way this will also be an implementation of ODM's Majimbo manifesto.

This settlement of IDPs from the Rift Valley raises fundamental questions. One it is a bad precedent if the rule of law is to prevail in Kenya. Crimes against humanity were committed and it is only fair and just that people are not allowed to break laws with impunity. The Kikuyus in Rift Valley bought land legally and that should be paramount and upheld. Secondly, how far back is claim to ancestral land justified. On independence day, on the scramble for Africa or when the earth and the heavens were created? Before the Kalenjin in the Rift Valley were the Maasais who also owned Nairobi. Should the Maasais also arise and claim their ancestral land?

The other side of the coin is that forced resettlement of IDPs will not work. No amount of police posts and presence will guarantee the returnees of their safety. The best protection is your neighbour. If your neighbour turns against you, then you are in hot soup. How are IDPs supposed to face their neighbours who murdered their fathers, mothers, sons and daughters in broad daylight? How are they to relate with the neighbours who are wearing their stolen clothes, rearing their cattle, filled their granaries with the IDP's harvest? It is a high time the truth, justice and reconciliation team got to work. There is need to tone down ethnic animosity between the IDPs and their former neigbours.

Back to Ruto, the Minister for Agriculture, a person perceived in some quarters as a warlord who plotted and funded ethnic clashes in the Rift Valley. He gave the president three conditions for the resettlement programme:

1. That all the people arrested and accused of ethnic cleansing of the Kikuyu community be released
2. That all the chiefs and sub-chiefs who were sacked for non-performance during the January, February pre-meditated clashes be reinstated
3. That the Government promise Rift Valley farmers that the National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB) will be compelled by the government to pay farmers on the spot on delivery of farm produce. He reinstated that NCPB will be selling CAN fertilizer to the farmers at a cost of Kshs 1,650 instead of 4,000.

IN THIS AND OTHER DEMOCRAcies, when it comes to enforcement of human rights, the judge keeps aside all other cases and hears the application of any person complaining of violations of his right to liberty.

The argument by legislator Franklin Bett and other Rift Valley MPs that the resettlement of internally displaced people “be not hurried” until the underlying cause of the fighting has been addressed, is an argument for suspending those provisions of the Constitution which protect the rights of others.

It flies in the face of constitutional truth about the proper way of redistributing wealth. It goes against the very tradition which this nation established in 1963. It amounts to an argument that the Constitution, which has the force of the law throughout Kenya, continues to be suspended in some parts of Rift Valley.

The MPs’ claim that the land problem was created by the President Jomo Kenyatta manifests their ignorance of the agreement reached over land during the 1962 Constitution Conference, which was attended by representatives of all Kenyan communities.

IT IS AT THAT CONFERENCE THAT a political settlement on the future of Kenya was reached. That is the ‘future’ which this nation has lived since 1963.

The names of all participants in that conference are reproduced in the report. Those who are alive today are former President Moi, Mr George Nthenge and Mr John Keen.

The MPs are, therefore, insulting the intelligence of Kenyans who have lived under that Constitution for 44 years.

The internally displaced Kenyans have a right to be resettled immediately in their homes, partly because as section 3 of the Constitution declares, it has “the force of law throughout Kenya”, and partly because the Constitution guarantees every Kenyan the right to move throughout Kenya and the right to reside in any part of Kenya.

Their displacement was a serious violation of the Constitution by some politicians and their supporters who, after the December 27 elections, acted on two dangerous heresies, namely:

(i) that there is a law which permits a person to suspend the operation of any part of the Constitution or other laws which he or she disapproves of; and,

(ii) that in a democracy, the so-called economic inequalities and imbalances in land redistribution can be corrected through violence.

Democracies are characterised by the observance of the principles that no individual or institution has power to suspend the operation of the law, and that all injustices must be removed through either a constitutional change, or through Acts of Parliament.

Following the 1962 constitutional settlement, Kenyans in 1963 acted in accordance with this constitutional principle, which provided for the transfer of land ownership from Europeans to Africans. They also recognised the institution of property, which included the property acquired through force during the colonial rule.

Section 197 established a Central Land Board, whose duty was to select agricultural land for purposes of settlement, to assess a fair purchase price, and to convey interest in land on the basis of willing-buyer willing-seller.

The Constitution rejected the nationalist claims that land had been stolen and, consequently, that the European owners did not have valid titles to land. It recognised as valid all the land rights which had been acquired since the commencement of colonial rule.

All the internally displaced persons in Rift Valley Province acquired land from former European owners through the Central Land Board, or through purchase, either individually, or through land-buying companies, which subsequently sub-divided it amongst shareholders.

The claim that any land in the Rift Valley, which was formerly owned by Europeans, belongs to any community is based on a rejection of the constitutional basis upon which the country became independent.

The MPs swore on January 15, 2008, that each of them “will protect and defend the Constitution of Kenya as by law established.” That Constitution, which they swore to defend, protects the right to life, the right to property, and the right not to be discriminated against on account of one’s ethnicity.

During the post-election violence, some members of one community evicted from their farms people whose pre-colonial homes were in what today are Nyanza, Western, Central and Eastern provinces. These are the people who constitute the internally displaced persons.

THE CLAIMS BY THE MPS THAT citizenship does not have the same and equal content for some Kenyans living in that province is preposterous.

Our economic, constitutional and political reality is that individuals from all communities own farms, homes, businesses and hold jobs in all parts of the country, including Rift Valley Province.

One fails to understand the logic that says that there are Kenyans who should not own farms or homes in some parts of the Rift Valley. The logic, which allows every Kenyan to work and carry on business at a place of his or her choice, applies to every inch in the Republic, including Rift Valley Province.

These MPs ought to apologise to the internally displaced persons for the criminal activities of their supporters, and lead in the campaign to correct the heresies on which the killings and displacement were based.

Dr Kuria is a constitutional lawyer and State counsel working in Nairobi.

The list of permanent secretaries appointed on Monday was disappointing. It went against the public wish. After grudgingly accepting a bloated Cabinet with its confused roles and heavy expenditure, Kenyans expected that the top echelons of the Civil Service would be better constituted.

It was expected that the appointing authority would dispense with political considerations and name qualified, competent and youthful people to top civil service jobs.

But this was not to be. People who should have long retired and political hangers-on were named to key jobs as patronage took centre-stage.

When the parties constituting the Grand Coalition today were campaigning ahead of last December’s elections, they all pledged to create a vibrant, youthful, representative and quality public service. The appointments made nonsense of these pledges.

It is futile for the Government to talk of creating jobs when top posts are permanently given to people who should be at home playing with their grandchildren.

Not only does this create discontent among career civil servants forced to stagnate in lowly positions, it also creates apathy, resulting in poor service delivery.

One of the factors that led to the violence early this year was the feeling of marginalisation amongst youth and some communities.

In particular, young, educated people resented being locked out of decision-making roles. Sadly, the appointments did not address this.

Kenyans want a break from the past. They want a revolutionised and rejuvenated public service. They want a system that recognises and rewards merit, and not one that thrives on old boy networks.

Although Kenyans have been tolerant and accepted some excesses by the Grand Coalition government, the leaders must not take too many things for granted. Increasingly, the coalition is exhibiting signs of insensitivity. That is dangerous and must be stopped.

We want to believe those oldermanent secretaries are around just for the transition, and they will soon be phased out, allowing the Government to make fresh appointments and rejuvenate public service.

Parliament Wednesday passed a Motion calling for merger of the national identity card and the voters card. If effected, it would mean that one holding an ID card would not have to register for a different card in order to vote.

The Private Member’s Motion passed unanimously and with support from the Government. But the implementation must not be rushed before all factors are taken into consideration.

One issue is that inclusion in the voters’ roll is voluntary. The Roll includes only those who specifically seek to be registered to vote. By contrast, the national identity card is not optional, but mandatory for all citizens over 18 years.

If the idea is adopted, will it mean that the ID cards’ register then doubles up as a voters’ roll?
Registration for voters card also gives one many options of constituency and ward in which to register, not limited to the narrow confines of place of birth or home area.

Will it mean that if one wants to change his or her voting station, it will mean applying for a new ID?
These are just some of the questions that arise.

There may well be more fundamental issues revolving around the planned project involving the design and issue of new-generation identity cards. That will be a mammoth and very costly undertaking.

In this generation, there is need to consider whether multiple cards and documents – including passport, driving licence, social security, health insurance, PIN card – can be replaced by one ‘‘smart card’’.

The technology exists, and if the voting card proposal is to be implemented, it must not be looked at in isolation.

The young people lost out in the new line-up of the grand coalition Cabinet unveiled by President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

A handful of those who made it were appointed to play a peripheral role in a bloated 42-member Cabinet, which largely comprised old guards, some who have dominated the political scene ever since pre-independence days.

For the new faces incorporated, it emerged most of them served as key allies of these octogenarians. To add insult to injury, a section of those appointed have questionable past.

Notably, in the December 27, 2007 General Election, Kenyans voted in a big way for change. They replaced most old guards with focused, energetic and intellectually-rich youthful politicians.

So, why ignore this crucial sector of young leaders? Did the move amount to insulting the intelligence of Kenyans?

Granted, the same scenario replayed in the civil service appointments. Instead of infusing fresh blood, those above retirement age of 55 years, were retained and new ones appointed.

A classic example is Mr Francis Muthaura, the head of Public Service and Secretary to the Cabinet. The other is Education PS Karega Mutahi who are in their 60s.

It is a pity to note that some of them were recalled after attaining the statutory retirement age 55 during the Moi regime.

The buck stops with the appointing authority. My take is that a society that forsakes and ignores the youth is incubating disaster and sitting on a time bomb. One day, it will explode.

The youth will rise up to demand their rights.

JOSEPH MUTUA,
Nairobi.

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Now that we have seen how the grand coalition government has been constituted from President to PSs, we can conclude that not much has changed.

Let us forget about politicians as they have shared what they wanted. It now up to us to meditate over what we can do for ourselves in the next five years.

Politicians will always be there every five years asking for votes with all promises, including heaven, only to betray us.

Kenyans, let us move on with our lives!

NJAGI ZEDEKIA,
Embu.

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I fail to understand who the Government is serving if they cannot hear the cry of Kenyans?
I also fail to understand why the President should retain his age mates in parastatals and as Permanent Secretaries.

There are so many young graduate Kenyans who can do their jobs! What do you take us for?
The young people are burning with bitterness. Probably, the Government does not want us to join the civil service, hence the idea of loans from the Ministry of Youth Affairs.

In most important appointments, there are hardly ever those between 25 and 35 years. I do not think we should be leaders of tomorrow forever. We want to start right away.

The President should strive to leave a legacy as one who worked well for the benefit of the needy Kenyans.

I do not see the need for the police using teargas on peaceful Kenyans who want to chart the way forward for this nation.

The country is badly polarised, and it is not just about you and Mr Odinga.

ENOS ALBERT ADOMA,
Homa Bay.

What happened to Kibaki, we knew as a gentleman, a classic economist, and a statesman, urbanised and non-violent, both in words and deeds?

Please President Kibaki, take it upon yourself to save this state from ruin.
Come out of the shadow of a small group of people and walk straight into the bright sunshine of Kenyans.

A small group, including MPs, judges permanent secretaries, parastatal bosses and Army generals, are getting a disproportionate slice of our national pie. They would like the status quo to be maintained at any cost.

Bad leadership is a worldwide problem, but most of us believed President Kibaki’s character could not be associated with what we are witnessing in our country.

In 1992, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, expressed his hope that Kenya one day will be a place where the mind will be without fear, and the head held high by every citizen. Let’s fulfil his wish.

LUCAS ADAMS,
Nairobi.

By agreeing to a coalition government, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga put aside vile scramble for raw power in favour of true statesmanship.

Before the events that led to Kenya’s defining moment become a footnote in our history, it is important that we examine the factors that breed conflict and also draw lessons from Ghana in trying to create a sense of nationhood.

The prosperity achieved since Kenya’s independence has occurred at the expense of persisting inequalities, diversification and weaknesses in human development. Structural conflicts and the overzealous nature of sycophants and technocrats have, for a long time, thwarted our quest for shared prosperity.

Structural conflicts are caused by unequal control, ownership or distribution of resources, unequal power or authority, and geographic, physical or environmental factors that hinder cooperation.

Creation of the Ministry for the Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands is a bold and commendable move in designing mechanisms for equitable development.

President Kibaki and Mr Odinga need to be vigilant about individuals and actions that pervert a vital larger cause of fairness and justice in the distribution of resources and opportunities.

Fairness and equity are issues that should be confronted by all Kenyans. When I recently checked on the results of a certain ministry’s promotion interviews by the Public Service Commission, out of 150 officers promoted, close to 100 came from one region.

It is such skewed promotions that have caused so many immensely demotivated personnel (IDPs) in the civil service.

Kenya can draw important lessons from Ghana, a country that gave us President John Kufuor and chief mediator Kofi Annan during the post –election crisis.

Ghana has managed to avoid ethnic conflict, partly because of the policy of ensuring an even spread of political power is largely maintained over the years.

EMONG’OR EKISA,
Meru.

It is a shame that the meeting that the President and the Prime Minister held with MPs from Rift Valley failed to agree on an immediate solution to one of the most pressing issues of the day.

The fate of Kenyans who were forced out of the province by post-election ethnic violence was never one for a quick fix.

The very fact that violence broke out on such a scale in the wake of a disputed presidential election is testimony to the fact that such bloodshed was just waiting for the trigger.

The power-sharing agreement between President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, and establishment of a grand coalition government was not an end in itself, but merely part of a long process that should lead to discussion and resolution of issues we have in the past preferred to sweep under the carpet.

The continuing talks aimed at resolving some of Kenya’s deep-seated national problems will obviously pay special attention to the issues of land, historical grievances and ethnic relations in the Rift Valley.

These are issues that will take a long time to resolve. The immediate return of the Rift Valley refugees is not feasible when tension and hostility still persists, and when the Government lacks the means to guarantee security for those who do.

However, the insistence on a resolution of outstanding issues before any return programme is launched is callous to the extreme.

It could take months and years before all the issues are addressed. The signal the MPs are sending is that they actually do not want a settlement.

This can only lend credence to the belief that they were party to an organised ethnic-cleansing programme in the first place.

With goodwill and concern for hundreds of thousands of displaced Kenyans, a solution can be found.

Instead of being seen as a stumbling block, the MPs should team up with the Government to facilitate the resettlement of uprooted people, and embark on peace-building programmes. That is the least they are expected to do.

CHINA IS RAMPAGING, AND the West is restive. In the last few years, Western media propaganda has focused on China’s role in the Darfur crisis, accusing Beijing of propping up the el-Bashir dictatorship which is waging ethnic cleansing in which over 200,000 people have died since 2003.

The world’s second biggest consumer of petroleum products, China has over the last decade invested heavily in Sudan’s petroleum industry.

The main beef by the West about China, however, goes beyond Sudan and its bloody oil. What worries the Tran-Atlantic family is China’s runaway internationalism. Chinese presence is palpable everywhere on the globe, thanks to the country’s growing economic might.

The focus of the West’s attention is, however, the developing world in general, and Africa in particular.

Americans are particularly burning the midnight oil to ensure china is tamed. Proxy assaults such as the CIA’s role in the Tibet crisis aside, the post-9/11 National Security Strategy (2002) aims, inter alia, “to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival”.

However, the worry about China becoming another USSR is a purely Trans-Atlantic problem. Following the November 2006 African leaders’ Beijing summit, German Chancellor Angela Merkel warned Europeans not to “leave the commitment to Africa to the People’s Republic of China,” emphasising the need to “take a stand in Africa.”

Should Africa fear or embrace China? For those who grew up in the Cold War era, the most memorable Afro-Chinese interaction was as partners in the struggle against Western colonialism and neo-colonialism. At the economic level, China’s most important landmark in this region was the Tanzania-Zambia Railway Line (Tazara), built in the 1970s.

The post-Cold War China has opened up its economy, leading to an unprecedented boom. But as they say, for every action, there must be a counter-action.

China’s economic boom and the concomitant global spread are rubbing up some interests the wrong way.

The Chinese factor in Sudan, for instance, is not confined to the Darfur question. It more importantly impinges on the greater North-South Sudan and the northern Uganda peace processes.

Here is why.

An independent South Sudan does not guarantee China uninterrupted flow of the black gold. Secondly, by sponsoring the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) as a key strategy to keep the Sudanese National Resistance Movement on its toes, President el-Bashir would love to have Kony’s boys around for a little longer.

The effect is to undermine the spirit and letter of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), and to destabilise the entire Great Lakes Region.

CHINA’S HUGE APPETITE FOR Africa’s enormous natural wealth is also being felt in Zambia where, environmentally-insensitive copper mining activities by Chinese multinationals has become an emotive political issue.

In Mozambique, deforestation in the Zambezia region where thousands of locals have been licensed to supply timber to Chinese companies is causing havoc. In neighbouring Angola, similar environmental concerns have been aired about Chinese aggressive oil mining ventures.

In engaging Africa, China is dangling quite succulent carrots: It pledges to double assistance to the continent by the year 2009; cancel debts to the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs); build the African Union’s Conference Centre, and establish a multibillion-dollar China-Africa development fund to encourage Chinese companies to invest in Africa.

Chinese experimentation with economic internationalism is legendary, but it is has not been without controversies. In south East Asia, the Chinese are treated as exploitative, insular, “outsider” economic minorities, in the league of Indians in East Africa, Lebanese in West Africa, and whites in southern Africa.

Every cloud, however, has a silver lining. In Kenya, a Chinese company, China National Oil Corporation (CNOOC), is on the verge of discovering oil in the eastern part of the country. If the discovery happens, Kenya will be catapulted to the league of oil-rich nations in the region.

China is also interested in large-scale food crop farming in Kenya, an experiment it wants to replicate from Uganda, where hundreds of Chinese are growing corn on a 10,000-acre piece of land.

In all these ventures, the principle of China’s self-interest, like the desire to plough back home the wealth they make in Africa, is not missed.

Importantly, China’s increasing outward-looking tendency is fuelled by its rapid post-socialist industrialisation crusade, which is eating up agricultural land back home.

The bottom line here is that China seeks to cushion its victims of globalisation by exporting them to Africa, where they can create wealth for themselves and their motherland.

But at what cost? For Kenya, it would be politically naive to invite an outsider to exploit our land for agricultural purposes at a time when we are slaughtering one another in the name of a land crisis.

The West is not an angel, but China’s role in Africa should be treated with a pinch of salt.

Mr Mwalulu comments on political and social issues.

The hue and cry over the bloated Cabinet notwithstanding, it is true that some of the seemingly minor dockets were long overdue.

Minister Mutula Kilonzo has been charged with overseeing the Nairobi Metropolitan Region, an expanded version of Nairobi City Council.

On the face of it, this might look like a duplication of the role of the Ministry of Local Government. But in terms of the challenges facing the wider Nairobi, there is no arguing with the fact that radical measures have to be taken to remedy a dire situation.

Arguably, the resource-deficient satellite towns, which include Thika, Kiambu, Kitengela, Athi River, Ngong and Ongata Rongai, are part of Nairobi’s problems that include over-population and traffic congestion, pollution, crime and poor planning.

It is time coordinated efforts were taken to resolve the worsening problems in one package.

However, a number of issues have to be addressed before this dream can turn into reality.

One, the ministry has to be given legal teeth to eliminate any conflict with civic bodies, and the Local Government ministry.

Second, it is high time the city was divided into boroughs to ease administration. It would make no sense to enlarge one problematic entity without creating more efficient and manageable units.

Three, it is critical that the idea be properly marketed so that it is not politicised at the expense of the public good. Stakeholders here would include residents, who will be subjected to new levies.

If the matter is handled purely as a developmental issue, it should benefit all citizens.

THE SECURITY OF KENYANS IS guaranteed in the Constitution. Therefore, the Government should be concerned about the recurrent offensive carried out by the outlawed Mungiki sect, which have created a security nightmare.

Last week, the sect members successfully organised violent demonstrations for four days in Nairobi and other main towns.

Security forces were once again caught flat-footed and 30 lives and a great deal of property destroyed.

As usual, the Government responded by warning Mungiki sect followers to stop their destructive activities or risk being wiped out. The newly-appointed tough talking Internal Security minister, just like his predecessor, said the Government will never negotiate with Mungiki or any other terror group.

We should have known by now that this big talk and chest-thumping does not scare the Mungiki, and is not going to eradicate them. If we are going to stop further wanton destruction of life and property, then we have to choose between the only two choices available.

THE FIRST CHOICE IS DIALOGUE. There are two good reasons for this. One, our security forces do not appear to be a match for the educated, skilled and motivated sect members.

Two, the fact that Mungiki have successfully launched the Kenya National Youth Alliance as their political wing shows that they have an ideology and an agenda.

The other option available to us, which will take time to implement, is to adopt a more professional approach in handling Mungiki affairs and officially declare them a domestic terrorist organisation.

A review of several definitions of terrorism confirms Mungiki is a modern terror group just like the Ku Klux Klan, Red Brigades, Aum Shinrikyo, Hizbollah, or al-Qaeda. The most commonly accepted scholastic definition of terrorism is the 1992 one by the United Nations.

UN defined terrorism as “an anxiety-inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by (semi-) clandestine individual, group or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal or political reasons, whereby — in contrasts to assassination — the direct targets of violence are not the main targets.”

Terrorism is also defined under Title 22 of the US Code, section 2656f (d). The term “terrorism” means politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents.

And according to FBI, “terrorism is the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.”

Finally, the US Department of Defence defines terrorism as “The calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear, intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are political, religious or ideological”.

From these definitions, the five common elements of terrorism are: coercive, deliberate, dynamic, political and psychological. Mungiki has excelled in all of them.

In this second option, there are two advantages of officially declaring Mungiki a domestic terrorist group. To start with, the problem will be given priority and resources will be allocated.

Secondly, the responsibility of monitoring and acting against the group will shift from the police to the National Counter-terrorism Intelligence Unit.

This is important because the kind of investigation done by police is based on physical evidence of an offence after it has occurred.

But counter-terrorism intelligence is primarily concerned with the identification and stopping of terrorist activities before they happen.

NCIU WILL PROACTIVELY DEFINE Mungiki, develop psychological and social profiles of its followers, identify their ideologies, and establish their structure.

This means that information can be released to the public domain in terms of Mungiki tactical structure and followers’ level of commitment.

For once, the public will know the Mungiki leadership — people responsible for planning, organising, staffing and controlling the group; cadres — people in charge of group surveillance, intelligence, executions and so on; supporters — politicians in and out of Parliament and other financiers; and finally, sympathisers — people not fully committed, but who sympathise with its goals.

It is this last group which provides a reservoir for new recruits.

This exposure will help to curtail their activities. Therefore, either of the two choices is viable.

Mr Kitau is the managing director, Bruce Trucks and Equipment (EA) Ltd.

THE OTHER DAY, A FRIEND observed that ethnic chauvinism and vernacular languages are the root causes of Africa’s problems.

To him, disintegration of the very fabric of society rests squarely on vernacular. He has statistics to back up his case.

Sudan, Liberia, Burundi, and DR Congo among others, have had trouble in stark contrast to Tanzania, which largely uses one language.

He is not alone. An MP was on TV claiming that vernaculars should be banned. Countless others wish the same could happen. I agree with them that ethnic chauvinism is a big problem, but a blanket condemnation of languages misses the point.

My defence of vernacular languages, should not be construed to mean I support their (mis)use in office. That is clearly specified in our language policy, which states that English shall be the language of official communication and Kiswahili shall be the national language.

Language is a vehicle through which we convey our thoughts, fears, aspirations, and even prejudices. If our thoughts are well-intended, so will be the language we use, be it Dholuo, Giriama, Gikuyu, or Kiswahili.

To pick Tanzania and claim that it is ‘‘united’’ because it is monolingual is wrong. Tanzania is what it is because of the mindset put in place by the Ujamaa philosophy it adopted at independence.

Ujamaa encouraged Tanzanians to treat each other as kinsmen.

It did not matter whether one was a Chagga from the slopes of Mt Kilimanjaro, Sukuma from the lake region, or Hehe from southern Tanzania.

Ujamaa failed in many ways, but it ensured that Tanzania’s over 100 ethnic groups coalesced into one, both in terms of identity, and national psyche.

Kenya, on the other hand, went the capitalistic way. Ours became a man-eat-man society where all avenues were exploited to reach the money kingdom.

THE ETHNIC CARD WAS ONE SUCH cheap route. The elite recoiled into their ethnic cocoons, blinding the masses that their problems were caused by the other group. Politicians have perfected it.

Granted, a number of African countries that have (almost) failed are multilingual, but that is just a coincidence. External factors and players have contributed to their problems.

For instance, as long as the Congo remains mineral-rich, the search for a permanent solution will be like looking for the proverbial needle in a haystack. We also have monolingual countries that have gone the same way. The prime examples are Somalia and Rwanda.

Somalia has not had a stable government in almost two decades despite being not only monolingual, but also boasting one religion.

They are divided into clans and their ability to use one language has not helped them to forge ahead as one nation.

Many Kenyans think that Rwandans used Kihutu versus Kitutsi to instigate the horrific genocide. That is wrong.

All Rwandans use Kinyarwanda. They have even intermarried and do not live in purely mono-ethnic zones. What happened is that the very Kinyarwanda was coded to carry catastrophic messages.

Tutsis were called inyenze — cockroaches. Thus a seemingly harmless statement like ‘‘let us fumigate all inyenze’’ had horrific consequences.

Thus language per se is not to blame. It is merely a resource which can be used or abused to fit the whims of a user. The recent spate of hate-mail can attest to this. Over 90 per cent of the hate-mail was in languages that we all understand — English and Kiswahili.

Does that make English and Kiswahili dangerous?

Mr Ayuma is a Nairobi based journalist

The claims by MPs from the South Rift region that ODM sidelined the area in the recent Cabinet appointments do not hold any water.

Instead of appreciating the fact that one of their own (Kipkalya Kones) has been given one of the most powerful ministries (Roads), they are busy sulking.

The Kipsigis, like all other communities, should understand that no community is a winner or a loser.

Put it this way: If Prime Minister Raila Odinga had indeed succeeded to be the President, the number of Cabinet ministers could have been 15.

This means that the entire Kalenjin community could be allocated two slots at most. The Kipsigis could possibly have been given a single assistant minister.

The Kipsigis MPs should appreciate the prevailing reality and stop blaming Mr Odinga.

It is equally unfair to reason that the Nandi (the second largest Kalenjin sub-tribe after Kipsigis) were allocated three Cabinet positions at the expense of the Kipsigis.

Cabinet ministers are at the service of all Kenyans; not just their respective communities.

Mr William Ruto, for instance, is not minister for Agriculture, who will serve Nandis or Kalenjins alone. He will serve all Kenyans. The same applies to Mr Kones, Mr John Michuki, Mrs Linah Kilimo, Mr James Orengo, Mr Najib Balala, Mr Mohammed Kuti, Mr John Munyes, to name but some.

But again, as a matter of fact, none of these MPs was elected by their constituents on conditions that he or she will be appointed to the Cabinet.

It is true that the South Rift gave more votes to ODM compared to North Rift during the last General Election.

However, the Cabinet has not been formed depending on who voted and who did not vote for ODM. There were many factors for consideration, including regional balancing.

Although we agree that some of the people named in the Cabinet did not represent the change ODM had promised during its campaign, there is need to sit down as leaders and come up with solutions that can satisfy all Kenyans.

KIMAIYA KACHEBAIBAI,
Tot, Marakwet.

With about a third of the top Civil Service positions in new hands, the stage is set for a new phase of reform in the public sector.

Hopefully, the balancing of political and regional considerations were not the only criteria in Monday’s appointments and some thought went into issues such as succession planning and the protection of institutional memory.

Ahead of the announcement of the changes, there was some pressure on President Kibaki to send home a number of individuals, including Head of Public Service, Ambassador Francis Muthaura. The continued reliance on old hands, retained on contract well after they attained retirement age, has been a bone of contention — though largely for political reasons.

We believe it points to possible weaknesses in succession planning and should be addressed as part of ongoing reforms within the public sector. The fact that many of the strongest candidates suggested to replace Muthaura are in the private sector speaks volumes. Hopefully, some of the younger PSs who have been rotated to other ministries, or others, are being groomed for possible promotion to head the Public Service.

Despite the hue and cry for new faces, the decision to retain two thirds of the top civil servants bodes well for the safeguarding of institutional memory. There are good arguments for not changing horses midstream when this might affect successful initiatives like the Government divestiture programme, public administration initiatives, communications reform and the streamlining of public procurement.

That said, building up broadly representative talent within the service — the so-called ‘face of Kenya’ — will help ensure smoother successions and reduce the impact of political disruptions. Also, new appointees are more likely to come up with fresh approaches to the problem of a growing wage bill, one area in which there has been little success reported.

Public servants distinguished themselves in the last five years through implementing policies on modernisation, liberalisation, smarter contracting, investment in infrastructure and so on. The introduction of a performance contracts scheme, for instance, earned Kenya one of the United Nations’ Public Service Excellence awards in June last year. The scheme was part of a larger shift away from process-oriented bureaucracy to result-driven service delivery.

PSs play a key role in the success of Government programmes. In driving forward the results-based management practices that saw Government achieve modest success between 2003 and 2007, we expect the 56 men and women at the helm of the civil service to outdo past performance, and spark new reform and renewal.

Mungiki, Taliban, Sungu Sungu, Chinkororo, Baghdad Boys, Sabaot Land Defence Force, Kaya Bombo, the warriors of Rift Valley: To me, they are all the same, except perhaps in the degree of viciousness and notoriety.

These are the self-styled militias, vigilante groups and organised crime gangs that have sprouted up in almost every part of the country, posing an increasing challenge to an overstretched police force.

These gangs specialise in instilling the fear of God in people. Given their numbers, they are threatening to overrun the entire country. The more police try to crush them, the more hard-core they get.

Last week, we saw the Mungiki paralyse public transport and force businesses in parts of Central and Rift Valley provinces to close. Many youths in Central, and women too, now think it is hip to join the underground sect.

Troubled youth

We may theorise and quote all the research papers we can get, but I believe Mungiki is a microcosm of the troubled youth in this country. It is sad case of a youth living by the sword and dying by the sword. It is about a disillusioned youth who are determined to hit back at the society with whatever means they can find.

And as Mungiki recently proved, they were not merely protesting at the horrific killing of their leader, Mr Maina Njenga’s wife, but they had an underlying resentment. As soon as Prime Minister Raila Odinga extended an olive branch to the sect members, they immediately halted the riots. They expressed hope that the Grand Coalition Government would give its members jobs and investigate alleged extra-judicial killings by police.

We are looking at a case of youths who are unable to deal with poverty and lack of employment, in a capitalist society where the minority are too rich and the majority too poor. In this system, you are nobody if you have no money or a job.

It is about an angry youth who have been duped by politicians to do their dirty work for them, but the latter have not kept their part of the bargain. It is about an education system that only glorifies academic grades and ignores those who are not academically gifted. And even for those who pass academic exams, jobs are not guaranteed.

It is about a leadership that only thinks the youth should be confined to petty businesses and the jua kali sector, as the old generation clings on to the white collar jobs.

A part from the militias, gangsters, carjackers and rapists are also
young people. Those who do not have the stomach to join hardcore crime resort to prostitution, drug and alcohol abuse and even suicide. The press last week carried the sad story of Kirinyaga District, which has been hit by a wave of suicides among the youth.

Back to the militias: Security forces may be sent to flush out gangs and raiders in far flung areas like Mt Elgon and Pokot, but Mungiki have proved that urban areas are not safe either. If the trend continues, organised crime will become a way of life among the youth.

The militias now use mafia like tactics to intimidate even police. One mafia gang in Italy, the Naples mafia, proved its might in 2004 when a whole neighbourhood literally surrounded police and made them hostage for trying to capture a leader of the Naples Mafia.

Likewise, the Mungiki have the audacity to dare the police with their attack-and-run tactics. Clearly, guns and batons will not work with these gangs, given the pathetic ratio of police to citizens in Kenya.

Most organised crime groups in the West arose from the "rejects" of their respective societies. Most have roots in prison gangs and people who were expelled from their countries.

Likewise, members of Kenyan militias are the "outcasts" — the "idlers" and "academic failures". But now, even school boys are getting recruited.

The onus, once again, is on the leaders to save the youth. Even as security forces tackle crime, the leaders have to come up with lasting solutions of rehabilitating the youth.

Every MP worth his or her salt should start a viable youth project in their constituency.

Work for Madam Hellen Sambili, the new Minister for Youth and Sports, has just begun. She must liaise with relevant ministries to help young people. Job creation and wealth creation, and a fully fledged social services department to address problems their problems should be priorities. We do not want a Government of selfish old men, who have no agenda for their most productive people.

The writer is The Standard’s Chief Sub-editor, Weekend Editions

Today, Amos Wako, the Attorney General stated that he was not consulted in the recent handover of the Goldenberg linked Grand regency Hotel. The hotel was handed over by Kamlesh Pattni the Goldenberg architect to the Aaron Ringera led Kenya Anti Corruption Commission (KACC). KACC later handed over the hotel to the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK). It is now purported that CBK has sold off the hotel to Libyan investors without following due process and at a throwaway price.

Amos Kimunya, the finance minister will be the man on the spotlight and heat is slowly increasing on his seat weeks after his ministry colluded to deny Kenyans the knowledge of Mobitelea and their irregular allocation of Safaricom shareholding.

Here is a collection of stories regarding Grand Regency:

Nation 19-04-2008: Is this another Goldenberg plot?

Fresh questions have emerged over the alleged sale of the Grand Regency Hotel, days after Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni said he had surrendered the multi-billion shilling investment to the Central Bank of Kenya.

Central Bank Governor Njuguna Ndung’u and Kacc Deputy Director Fatuma Sichale at the hand-over ceremony of the Grand Regency Hotel. Photo/ ANTHONY KAMAU

According to sources familiar with the issue and documents in our possession, the hotel at the centre of Kenya’s biggest ever corruption scandal, Goldenberg, may have been secretly sold off to Libyan investors at a throw-away price of Sh1.6 billion against its market value said to be in the region of Sh7.5 billion.

The sources said the hotel may have changed hands or is in the process of being transferred to the Libyan company after Mr Pattni relinquished his rights over the property that has been under the statutory management of the Central Bank of Kenya since 1994.

However, when reached for comment yesterday, the CBK legal director, Mr Ken Abuga, denied reports of the sale.

“The truth of the matter is that the hotel is yet to be sold. As and when it is sold, details of the sale will be released to the public.”

But the Saturday Nation established that a group of lawyers was analysing documents relating to the surrender and alleged sale with a view to taking legal action against the CBK, the Kenya Anti-Corruption Authority (KACC), the Attorney General and Mr Pattni.

The group says it has documents that show the transaction even as they mention the lawyers involved in the deal who, ironically, are in private practice. The involvement ofprivate lawyers in the public transaction has raised eyebrows.

Ultimate disposal

At the centre of the controversy that Kituo cha Sheria executive director Ekuru Aukot calls “Goldenberg Two”, are concerns that the surrender and ultimate disposal of the hotel to the Libyans is irregular.

“Grand Regency is a public asset since Pattni allegedly stole the money that built it. It should thus revert to Kenyans,” says Dr Aukot.

The CBK had attached the hotel because it was built using funds stolen from the public coffers.

Indeed, during the handing over of the hotel to CBK last week, KACC director Aaron Ringera described the surrender as “the happiest day for the commission as we conclude this great recovery of an asset obtained fraudulently using public funds”.

KACC spokesperson Nicholas Simani yesterday promised to release a detailed statement highlighting the status of the hotel.

However, he said that the hotel was their biggest recovery of a public asset so far, placing its value at more than Sh3 billion.

Stage-managed

“We handed over the hotel to the Central Bank after receiving from Mr Pattni,” Mr Simani said.

According to the Kituo Cha Sheria director, “it’s not clear to us about the recovery of this asset. The surrender of the hotel appears stage-managed. It is not clear at all”.

Other lawyers interviewed raised questions about the disposal of a public asset without regard to due process.

“The Procurement Act and the Privatisation Act provide that a public asset is disposed of through tendering. You cannot use single-sourcing to sell off a good that belongs to Kenyans,” said a former chairman of the Law Society of Kenya, in apparent reference to reports that CBK may have unilaterally sold the hotel to the Libyan firm. “Single-sourcing is fraudulent.”

According to the lawyer, the Attorney General, CBK and KACC had failed to explain their role in the transaction with Mr Pattni.

“Somebody somewhere is benefiting,” Dr Aukot said, noting that the Grand Regency now being sold for a “paltry” Sh1.6 billion was worth $230 million 15 years ago. “If you value it today it is worth Sh7.5 billion.”

“Kenyans may lose more money than happened during the Goldenberg scandal. Where has the Sh5 billion gone?” asked Dr Aukot. “This is Goldenberg Two.”

Documents made available to the Saturday Nation show an agreement between Mr Pattni and the CBK, in which the businessman seeks a government guarantee against further criminal cases relating to the Goldenberg scandal in which he is accused of making billions of shillings in a fake export compensation scheme.

Tourist hotel

Prior to the surrender, the luxurious tourist hotel in the heart of Nairobi was charged to CBK to secure a Sh2.5 billion debt as obligation to businesses owned by Mr Pattni, arising from his role in Goldenberg.

The hotel was owned by Uhuru Highway Development Company in which Mr Pattni is the principal shareholder.

Mr Pattni was the subject of a Commission of Inquiry into the Goldenberg scandal which started in February 2003 and ended in September 2004.

The commission recommended that he, alongside other beneficiaries, be prosecuted and made to pay back the money they stole.

In one of the new documents prepared by a Nairobi law firm, Mr Pattni resolves to relinquish to CBK “all my proprietary rights and interest”.

He then asks the Government to consider “withdrawing all civil and criminal cases revolving around me, affecting my rights and to enable myself (sic) adopt a fresh chapter in my life consistent with my new calling as a servant of God”.

Mr Pattni cites “negative perceptions in the minds of members of the public about the source of funds employed to construct the hotel” as part of the reasons he is relinquishing the property to the CBK.

Yet the documents show some discrepancy in the transaction. In one of them Mr Pattni promises to dispose of all property rights in the hotel in a bid to free himself of “any encumbrances”.

In another, he writes about his desire to dispose of “all my property rights in the (hotel by selling (it) jointly with Central Bank of Kenya to a buyer free of any encumbrances at market value determined by two reputable valuers…”

The document says the asset is worth Sh1.6 billion.

Yet it is not the hand-over that appears to trouble legal experts.

The manner in which it was done and the subsequent sale is.

Dr Aukot reads mischief in the manner in which the two parties, Mr Pattni and CBK, exchanged the asset.

“For Pattni to just release the hotel without telling Kenyans why and how he is giving it up raises many questions. The surrender is fake; it is stage-managed.”

The Kituo Cha Sheria executive director says the CBK and KACC (whose directors were at the hand-over ceremony) and Attorney General Amos Wako owe Kenyans an explanation on the surrender and subsequent sale.

“The hotel is a public asset, it belongs to Kenyans so we should be told the conditions in which it was surrendered and sold.”

About status

He reads “complicity” between KACC and CBK, the Attorney General in what he terms an irregular deal.

“Is KACC giving corruption a clean bill of health? Are State agencies complicity to corruption?”

He says the receivers, KACC and CBK, should have informed the public about the status of the hotel at the time of surrender by Mr Pattni.

“Kenyans should have been told about the hotel’s turnover, its assets and liabilities. The hotel belongs to Kenyans and they should be thus informed about its status before it changes hands,” said Dr Aukot.

Our efforts to get a comment from Mr Pattni failed. An aide who answered his phone and gave his name as Mr Joye promised to call us back but had not done so by the time we went to press.

Nation (22-04-2008): Uproar over Pattni amnesty plea

The status of cases against Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni remained unclear as lawyers questioned the rationale of a blanket amnesty sought by him.

The businessman, who “gave up” the five-star Grand Regency hotel two weeks ago and sought amnesty, has at least three pending cases relating to the multi-billion Goldenberg scandal, the Nation learnt.

Mr Pattni’s plea read in part: “I hereby humbly petition the Government of the Republic of Kenya in the spirit of reconciliatory treatment to consider withdrawing all civil and criminal cases revolving around me, my associate companies and the Grand Regency Hotel and any other disputes related thereto affecting my rights and to enable myself adopt a fresh chapter in my life consistent with my new calling as a servant of God,” he says.

The surrender

The plea is contained in a document drawn by a city law firm for Mr Pattni.

The revelation drew sharp criticism from lawyers who described the request as amounting to erasing everything that was Goldenberg in which the country lost billions of shillings in fake exports of gold and jewellery under the defunct export compensation scheme.

“Are we bringing Goldenberg to a stop? asked Dr Ekuru Aukot, the executive director of Kituo cha Sheria. “Is KACC giving corruption a clean bill of health? Kenyans should be worried about the consequences of the deal.”

Dr Aukot wondered why the sale should be shrouded in mystery.

“We want to know the circumstances in which the deal was arrived at. Was Pattni paid for the hotel? Was it a blanket amnesty? What about the co-accused? Will they be subject also to such unilateral arrangements?”

Former Law Society of Kenya chairman Abdulahi Ahmednasir said it would be difficult to prosecute the co-accused once the graft watchdog and the AG remove the principal (Mr Pattni) from the equation. He said the amnesty was irregular and sets a bad precedent in the war on graft.

“What KACC is saying is that if you want to steal, steal big,” he said. “It appears the policy of Kenya is to prosecute pickpockets and bhang smokers. If you steal Sh100 million, you will get immunity and walk away freely.”

A commissioner with the State-funded Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, Mr Hassan Omar, said: “There are fundamental issues which should be dealt with before amnesty is granted.

What kind of amnesty? Who considers the amnesty? Is it by a private individual or a panel? What do we do with the net gains of corruption, given that the hotel has been in business for over 15 years? Should amnesty guarantee absolute freedom from prosecution?”

Father Gabriel Dolan of the Catholic Justice and Peace Commission also questioned the rational of the amnesty. “There is a lot that KACC and CBK have to tell Kenyans,” he said.

Mr Pattni’s pending cases include one in which he is accused with former Treasury PS Wilfred Koinange, former Central Bank governor Eric Kotut, former Kenya Commercial Bank general manager Elijah arap Bii and his deputy Eliphas Riungu. They are charged with conspiring to steal Sh5.8 billion from the Government.

Another pending case is the dispute over ownership of Grand Regency Hotel. The case is between Central Bank and Uhuru Highway Development Company.

Sources at KACC told the Nation that Mr Pattni entered into an agreement with the commission to surrender the hotel. It was on this agreement that Mr Pattni allegedly gave up the hotel to the Central Bank of Kenya two weeks ago.

The Nation also learnt that the Sh5.8 billion criminal case against Mr Pattni might not be part of the deal.

In October 2006, Mr Pattni requested the Government to settle out of court the Sh5.8 billion corruption case against him. The request was turned down.

Yesterday, KACC’s Nicholas Simani referred us to the AG’s office when asked whether he was aware of Mr Pattni’s request to drop all charges against him.

He said all the commission did on behalf of Central Bank was to take over the hotel from Mr Pattni and give it back to its rightful owners.

Business Daily: 08-06-2007: Libyans open talks to buy Grand Regency

In what is the clearest indication yet of how deep Kenya’s involvement with Libya runs, a group of Libyan investors have opened talks with Treasury to buy the Grand Regency Hotel-- Nairobi’s multi-billion shilling Five Star hotel that is under the management of government-appointed receiver managers.

Mukhisa Kituyi, the Trade and Industry minister, told journalists that the Libyans had made their intentions known during President Kibaki’s recent visit to Tripoli. Kibaki’s three day trip to Libya culminated into the signing of a series of economic partnerships agreements aimed at boosting trade between the two countries.

Grand Regency, which is Nairobi’s top end hotel and the latest to grace Nairobi’s landscape, was built in the early 1990s and has been the subject of a lengthy legal spat between businessman Kamlesh Pattni and the Government -- its construction having been linked to the country’s mega financial scam, Goldenberg.

The 220 bed hotel is under Central Bank of Kenya-appointed receiver managers, whose brief is to recover money it lent to Uhuru Highway Development Limited -- the developers of the facility, formerly owned by collapsed Pan African Bank.

Pan Africa is one of the banks that collapsed in the wake of the Goldenberg -- the export compensation that was engineered by Mr Pattni leading to the loss of Sh17 billion in public funds.

The Central Bank’s involvement in the hotel is linked to the Sh2.5 billion it loaned Pan African Bank’s property development arm Uhuru Highway Development Limited whose ownership was transferred to Mr Pattni after he bought the bank.

Libya, a member of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa) has been tightening its involvement with Kenya since last year and is one of the countries that signed the treaty for the creation of a customs union that is due to beome operational in December next year.
Until Kibaki’s latest trip to Tripoli, Libya’s interest in Kenya has mainly been in the oil industry where it had bought out Exxon Mobil’s assets in the country and won a lucrative contract to extend the Kenya’s oil pipeline to the Ugandan capital, Kampala.

Dr. Kituyi told journalists that a major investment group had bought prime plot in Nairobi where they plan to build a 600 bed ultra-modern hotel. Indications are that the land, which is situated along Kenyatta Avenue opposite Nyayo House, has been bought by Libyans.

A statement released by the Presidential Press Service at the end of Mr Kibaki’s visit to Tripoli indicated that Libyan investors had expressed interest in building a Six Star hotel in Nairobi and a confrence facility in Mombasa.

If the facility that insiders have described as a magnificent piece of architecture is built on the said piece of land, it would turn the area into a large hotel complex including the Regency that is only separated from it by a 10 metre-wide road.

The emergence of such a complex in the centre of Nairobi would be in line with the government’s goal of positioning tourism as one of the drivers of economic growth in the country.

Asked why the hotel could not be sold to Kenyans, Dr Kituyi responded “I’d like Kenyans, especially the ones in the Diaspora to come home and build new hotels not to buy the ones already built.”

The minister said the Government was interested in increasing investment in the hotel sector to help cope with neck-break growth in the tourism sector.
Dr Kituyi said the sale of Grand Regency Hotel could only be discussed by Central Bank which put the hotel under receivership in 1994.

“I cannot release details regarding the interest expressed by Libyans to purchase Grand Regency. The hotel is under receivership and any interested buyer should speak with the Central Bank, who is the official receiver” said Dr. Kituyi at a news conference yesterday.

OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
Cabinet Office
Permanent Secretary, Secretary to the Cabinet, and Head of Public Service
Ambassador Francis Muthaura

Private Secretary/Comptroller: Mr. Hyslop Ipu

Public Communications Secretary
& Government Spokesperson: Dr. Alfred N. Mutua

Secretary, National Economic &
Social Council: Dr. Julius Monzi Muia

Principal Administrative Secretary: Mr. Sam Mwale

Secretary, Presidential Press
Service: Mr. Isaiah Kabira

Ministry of State for Internal Security & Provincial Administration
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Francis Kimemia

Secretary, Provincial
Administration: Mr. Kenneth M. Lusaka

Ministry of State for Defence
Permanent Secretary: Amb. Nancy Kirui

OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT
Ministry of State for Home Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Ludeki Chweya

Ministry of State for Immigration and Registration of Persons
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Emannuel Kisombe

Ministry of State for National Heritage & Culture
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Seno Nyakenyanya
Secretary, Culture: Mr. Said Athman

OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Mohammed Isahakia
Secretary, Administration Mr. Caroli Omondi

Ministry of Planning, National Development and Vision 2030
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Edward Sambili

Ministry of State for Public Service
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Titus Ndambuki

Permanent Secretary, Public
Sector Reforms & Performance
Contracting: Mr. Richard Ndubai

OFFICE OF DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTRY OF TRADE
Permanent Secretary: Dr (Eng) Silas Njiru

Secretary, External Trade: Mr. Simon Chacha Nyangi

OFFICE OF THE DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTRY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Samuel Kirui

Ministry of East African Community
Permanent Secretary: Mr. David Nalo

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Thuita Mwangi

Ministry of Finance
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Joseph Kinyua

Finance Secretary: Mr. Mutua Kilaka

Investment Secretary: Ms. Esther Koimett

Economic Secretary: Dr. Kamau Thuge

Ministry of Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs
Permanent Secretary: Amb. Amina Mohammed
Secretary, National Cohesion: Dr. Kithure Kindiki

Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Philip Onyango Sika

Secretary, Physical Planning: Eng. John Ndirangu Maina

Ministry of Roads
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Michael Kamau

Ministry of Public Works
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Mark Bor

Secretary for Works: Mr. Gideon Mulyungi

Ministry of Transport
Permanent Secretary: Eng. Abdulrazak Aden Ali

Ministry of Water and Irrigation
Permanent Secretary: Eng. David Stower

Information & Communication
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Bitange Ndemo

Ministry of Energy
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Patrick Nyoike

Ministry of Lands
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Dorothy Angote

Ministry of Environment and Mineral Resources
Permanent Secretary: Prof. James Ole Kiyiapi

Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Kombo Mwero

Ministry of Tourism
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Rebecca Mwikali Nabutola

Ministry of Agriculture
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Romano M. Kiome

Ministry of Livestock Development
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Jacob Ole Miaron

Ministry of Fisheries Development
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Micheni Ntiba

Ministry of Regional Development Authorities
Permanent Secretary: Eng. Carey Orege

Ministry of Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Hukka Wario

Ministry of Education
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Karega Mutahi

Secretary, Education: Prof. George Godia

Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology
Permanent Secretary: Prof. Crispus Kiamba

Secretary, National Council
For Science and Technology: Prof. Abdirazak Shaukat

Ministry of Cooperatives Development
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Patrick Khaemba

Ministry of Industrialization
Permanent Secretary: Prof. John Krop Lonyangapuo
Secretary for Industrialization: Dr. John Musonic

Ministry of Housing
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Tirop Kosgey

Ministry of Special Programmes
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Ali Dawood

Ministry of Gender & Children Development
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Leah Adda Gwiyo
Secretary for Children Affairs: Prof. Jacqueline Oduol

Ministry of Public Health and Sanitation
Permanent Secretary: Dr. James Nyikal

Ministry of Medical Services
Permanent Secretary: Dr. Hezron Nyangito

Director of Medical Services: Dr. Francis Kimani
Ministry of Labour
Permanent Secretary: Ms. Beatrice Naliaka Wasike

Ministry of Youth and Sports
Permanent Secretary: Mr. Murugu Kinuthia, BS

Secretary, Sports Mr. Daniel K. Maanzo

Office of the Attorney General
Solicitor General: Mr. Wanjuki Muchemi


Dropped:

Cyrus Gituai (Internal Security)
Gerishom Ikiara (Transport)
Zachary Mwaura (Defence)
Rachel Arunga (Special Programmes)
Rachel Dzombo (Sports)
Mahboub Maalim (Water)

Scrapped:

Advisor/Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President - formerly held by Stanley Murage